The Sun Also Rises and the ‘lost generation’ — Part II

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.



But [Malcolm] Cowley’s sentimentalism is itself part of the mythology about the characters of The Sun Also Rises, and the novel mothered fictions about itself. Even Hemingway could not stop the legend that he was depicting the Lost Generation. He protested that Earth and not Jake Barnes, not even the matador, Pedro Romero, was the hero. Few critics believe Hemingway even today.

 Bertram D. Sarason, Hemingway And The Sun Set.


IN 1922, F. Scott Fitzgerald (right) published his second novel, The Beautiful And The Damned, and shortly afterwards his collection of short stories, Tales From The Jazz Age. His heroes and heroines were also in rebellion against their parents’ generation: they were flighty, unconventional, frivolous, thumbed their noses at acceptable behaviour, embraced sexual freedoms and generally upset older folk.

In America’s cities, many of the young were quick to follow a new fashion and emulated the lifestyle of Fitzgerald’s hedonists — although up to a point. And one wonders just how much such emulation took place in the small towns in the backwaters of the United States, a country in which the population of the cities was only just beginning to outstrip that of its rural areas.

Four years later came Hemingway’s novel The Sun Also Rises, and young folk were presented with a new fashion to embrace: out went light-headed Jazz Age frivolity and hedonism, and in came hard-drinking cynicism. As Carlos Bakers puts it in his biography of Hemingway
Malcolm [Cowley] discovered that winter [of 1926 when The Sun Also Rises was published] that Hemingway’s ‘influence’ was spreading far beyond the circle of those who had known him in Paris. Girls from Smith College, coming to New York, ‘were modelling themselves after Lady Brett . . . Hundreds of bright young men from the Middle West were trying to be Hemingway heroes, talking in tough understatements from the on the side of their mouths’.
Note, though, that although Cowley came across young folk emulating Hemingway’s protagonists, he did not report meeting any who were ‘in despair’. The real despair came three years later after the Wall Street crash and the subsequent Great Depression which saw one in four of the men and women out of work. The illegal drinking and hard-edged cynicism were nothing more than a fashion — there was no intellectual or existentialist dimension to their behaviour; and if there was, no one noticed.

. . .

Quite telling is Hemingway’s possible, or even probable, motivation for writing The Sun Also Rises. It was anything but the work of a pure artist whose sole concern was for ‘his art’ and to whom everything else was irrelevant (one of the images Hemingway put about).

We know that the young Hemingway was desperate to have a literary career, and he knew that the recent publication of his first volume of short stories was not sufficient to start one: he had to write and publish a successful novel, but, to be frank, he had few ideas for one.

Conscious of that imperative he had, just a month before he and his wife Hadley had set out for Pamplona at the beginning of July 1925, started on a novel. He had called it Along With Youth, but work petered out after he has written just 27 manuscript pages.

Then his trip to Pamplona in 1925 and the drunken disharmony among his group presented him with ‘a plot’, and he immediately set about getting it down on paper. That ‘plot’ changed shape at least twice, and despite Hemingway’s claim several years later in a letter to Maxwell Perkins, his editor at Scribner’s, that
95 per cent of The Sun Also [Rises] was pure imagination. I took real people in that one and I controlled what they did. I made it all up
the author Donald Ogden-Stewart (left) who was along on the 1925 trip was bemused when he read the novel. According to one Hemingway biographer, Carlos Baker
Don Stewart was mildly amused at [sic] the caricature of himself in the figure of Bill Gorton. He recognised a few of his own quips in the talk between Bill and Jake, but the whole book struck him as a little more than a very clever reportorial tour de force.

 Although Hemingway had completed the first draft of The Sun Also Rises in nine weeks, it certainly did not resemble the novel that was eventually published. Comparisons between the different drafts now stored in the Hemingway Archives of Boston’s John F Kennedy Library show that the novel it became did not take shape until the work was extensively revised.

In letters to friends Hemingway variously and at different times described his novel in progress — or, better, drafts of it — as ‘tragic’ and ‘funny’.

Its focus also continually changed. It began life as a story about a Spanish bullfighter, then Duff Twysden — the characters all retained their real names in the first drafts — became the central character; she, in turn, made way for Jake Barnes (pretty much Hemingway’s idealised alter ego) to take centre stage.

Hemingway preferred method of composition was to sit down and write on spec to see where his story would take him, and he didn’t draft an outline until he had written several thousand words. Thus what began as a short story, then became a long story became a novel when it dawned on Hemingway that he might finally be able to produce the work he knew he needed to consolidate his writing career

. . .

On a trip to Chartres on his own towards the end of September within days of completing his first draft of The Sun Also Rises, Hemingway had considered various titles for his new novel. He also cast about for ways to give it a bit more intellectual clout — he wanted to make his name as the writer of ‘serious’ literature and had previously announced his ambition that the work should appeal both to ‘highbrows and lowbrows’. First, he wrote a brief foreword, given here in full (including Hemingway’s deletions):
One day last summer Gertrude Stein stopped in a garage in a small town in the Department of Ain to a have a valve fixed in her Ford car. The young mechanic who fixed it was very good and quick and skillful. There were three other mechanics all about the same age in the garage. ‘Where do you get the boys to work like this?’ Miss Stein asked the owner of the garage. ‘I thought you couldn’t get boys to work any more.’ ‘Oh yes,’ the garage owner said. ‘You can get very good boys now. I’ve taken all these and trained them myself. It is the ones between twenty-two and thirty that are no good. C’est un generation perdu. No one wants them. They are no good. They were spoiled. The young ones, the new ones are all right again.’ ‘But what becomes of the others?’ ‘Nothing. They know they are no good. C’est un generation perdu. A little hard on them,’ he added. I did not hear this story until after I had written this book. I had thought of calling it Fiesta but did not want to use a foreign word. Perdu loses a little something by being translated into lost. There is something much more final about perdu. There is only this to say that this generation that is lost has nothing to do with any Younger Generation about whose outcome much literary speculation occurred in past times. This is not a question of what kind of mothers will flappers make or where is bobbed hair leading us. This is about something that is already finished. For whatever is going to happen to the generation of which I am a part has already happened. There will be more entanglements, there will be more complications, there will be successes and failures. There may be other wars. A few will learn to live perhaps one or two may learn to write or paint. But the things that are given to people to happen to them have already happened. There will be many new salvations brought forward. My generation in France for example in two years sought salvation in first the Catholic church, 2nd communism Dadaism, third the movies, fourth Royalism, fifth the Catholic church again. There may be another and better war. But none of it will matter particularly to this generation because to them the things that are given to people to happen have already happened.
Perhaps at a pinch, this foreword might be interpreted as evidence that Hemingway’s novel portrayed ‘a generation in despair’ or at least a generation which was ‘lost’, and substantiate the claim that he had intended it to do so from the outset. But that would be difficult to do.

For one thing, that explanation does not square with what we know of the novel’s genesis — first it was to be a short story, then a longer story, and finally it became (once the first 3,600 words had been binned as irrelevant as Scott Fitzgerald advised) the novel as published.

Admittedly, the ‘lost generation’ theme need not necessarily have been present in the novel’s early drafts, and as Hemingway revised the novel, after hearing the anecdote from Gertrude Stein, a great deal of re-shaping and re-writing might have taken place. It could plausibly be claimed that in revising his novel Hemingway had realised it could portray a ‘lost generation’ in despair and reshaped it accordingly.

Yet notably Hemingway doesn’t explain why this ‘lost generation’ should be assumed to be ‘in despair’ about life (and Stein’s garage owner says nothing on the matter). Nor is it obvious why being called a ‘lost generation’ — as he and his peers were described by Stein — is intrinsically more profound and tragic than, say, their parents’ generation calling the Sixties ‘hippies’ ‘long-haired layabouts’.

As for a younger generation being ‘in despair’, the manuscript drafts stored at the JFK Library in Boston demonstrate that widespread revision did take place but in a sense those revisions are irrelevant: we can only proceed on the basis of the novel as it was and continues to be published.

And, as pointed out above, a reading that The Sun Also Rises shows us a ‘lost generation’ set of characters ‘in despair’ is simply not substantiated by the text. More to the point that reading wilfully strays rather too close to bending the facts to justify a conclusion we want to reach: that A Sun Also Rises is a portrayal of a ‘lost generation’ in despair.

. . .

From what we know of Hemingway, he was a forceful, ambitious — and occasionally quite ruthless — young man, a self-promoter who was said to have had a gained a literary reputation before he had published a word. As John Raeburn demonstrates in his book Fame Became Him, Hemingway had a knack of establishing himself, and being accepted as, an expert and authority in many areas simply by telling those around him that he was one.

Hemingway was also what we would now call a gifted ‘networker’ who, according to Fitzgerald, ‘would always give a helping hand to a man on a ledge a little higher up’. He always had his eye on the main chance, and it is not implausible — and, I suggest, far more likely — that his foreword was a simple calculation: he wanted to give his novel the intellectual clout and stature he believed it needed to be accepted as ‘serious’ literature.

Whatever it’s purpose, though, it is not clear what Hemingway was trying to say in that foreword. It is bitty, incomplete and confusing, and like much that confuses, it seems he had not sufficiently thought it through. He says, ‘[his] generation’ had ‘sought salvation’
first in the Catholic church, then communism Dadaism [sic], third the movies, fourth Royalism, fifth the Catholic church again.
But from what were his generation seeking salvation? It would be useful to know and would rescue the claim that he and his peers were ‘in despair’ as many now insist. But Hemingway simply doesn’t specify or elucidate.

Then there is the curious line that there might be ‘another and a better war’? What on earth might a ‘better’ war be? Who knows. It really is a curious line to take. As for the suggestion that
none of it will matter particularly to this generation because to them the things that are given to people to happen have already happened
what at first might vaguely sound profound becomes, on just a little analysis, something close to fifth-form [US 10th grade] gobbledegook. Perhaps Hemingway eventually realised that his foreword wouldn’t achieve a great deal, which is why he discarded it.

In his foreword, though, Hemingway at least links that mooted ‘lost generation’ to a war, the Great War (as it was then known). But the obvious question is: who had greater reason to be ‘in despair’ as a result of that war as Hemingway interpreters claim his ‘lost generation’ was? Would it be one of the 23 million casualties who survived the conflict though without a limb or two, perhaps suffering from debilitating poor mental health, or having lost a father, brothers and sons in the conflict? Those who returned to a soulless existence of being employed in a menial job or who could not even work? Or would it be the people identified by Johns Dos Passos
summer tourists getting drunk and making fools of themselves at a picturesque Iberian folk-festival?
What about Jake Barnes, you ask, who lost his prick in the war? Surely he had good reason to be in despair? Well, yes, he did and he was: he cried at night, suffered because others though his wound was akin to a joke and could not physically express the love he felt for Brett Ashley.

But the ‘lost generation’ interpretation of The Sun Also Rises is not about Jake Barnes and his predicament. Others in his group — the successful novelist Bill Gorton, the very wealthy Jew Robert Cohn, the rather self-centred femme fatale Brett Ashley and the drunken bankrupt Mike Campbell — are not in despair, or not in the way those who champion Hemingway would have us accept. Robert Cohn’s possible ‘despair’ is simply that Brett Ashley had first taken him into her bed and had then discarded him.

Mike Campbell’s despair, presumably, is about the fact that he is always short of money. Bill Gorton simply isn’t in despair. Brett Ashley might be said to be in ‘despair’ because the man she professes to love can’t perform with her. Compared to those 23 million casualties of the war the ‘despair’ of this group is somewhat small beer.

A Hemingway aficionado could still insist that foreword composed in Chartres does make sense and is evidence that ‘the despair of a lost generation’ was the central theme of Hemingway’s novel, but to accept that claim we are obliged to indulge in a great deal of intellectual origami. We would instead be advised to heed the wise advice of William of Ockham, summed up in his Principle (or Law) of Parsimony (generally known as Ockham’s Razor) that
The explanation requiring the fewest assumptions is most likely to be correct.
The problem with much exegesis of Hemingway’s work by literary scholars, students, academics and critics is that they tie themselves in knots interpreting Hemingway’s work on the assumption that his stories must have deeper significance simply because ‘he’s one of America’s greatest writers’. As circular arguments go it’s a good one: ‘Hemingway is a great writer because he wrote this’ and ‘this is great literature because it was written by Hemingway’.

. . .

After Hemingway discarded his foreword, he opted instead simply to use the two epigraphs which now precede the novel. The first was the remark Gertrude Stein had recently made: ‘You are all a lost generation’. The second was a biblical quotation, Ecclesiastes 1: 4-7. That one of which runs (there are various versions)
Generations come and generations go,
but the earth remains forever.
The sun rises and the sun sets,
and hurries back to where it rises.
 The wind blows to the south
and turns to the north;

round and round it goes,
ever returning on its course.
All streams flow into the sea,
yet the sea is never full.

To the place the streams come from,
there they return again.
This is arguably an odd choice. Whereas Stein’s remark might — though vaguely — sound pessimistic in keeping with a novel purporting to portray a generation in despair, the quote Hemingway uses from Ecclesiastes is reasonably upbeat and somewhat at odds with Stein’s comment. It might well be paraphrased by Scarlett O’Hara’s line in Gone With The Wind
After all, tomorrow is another day
and you wonder whether Hemingway realised the intrinsic optimism of the quote he chose. What makes it more puzzling is that perhaps verses 1-3 of Ecclesiastes immediately preceding the quotation chosen might well have been more appropriate to the mood of a group of people ‘in despair’
‘Meaningless! Meaningless!’
says the Teacher.

‘Utterly meaningless!
Everything is meaningless.’
What do people gain from all their labors

at which they toil under the sun?
Those lines would be far more useful to sum up the mood of a ‘lost generation’ in despair, and Hemingway will surely have read them when he went looking for a significant quotation to use as an epigraph.

The Sun Also Rises and the ‘lost generation’ — Part I

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

No single factor was as illustrative of the failure of The Sun Also Rises to convince the critics that Hemingway was a great writer than its failure to convince them that it was the record of a generation and that its author was the spokesman for that generation.
Frank L. Ryan The Immediate
 Critical Reception of Ernest Hemingway.
A new generation does not appear every thirty years . . . or “about three times in the century” to quote Fitzgerald; it appears when writers of the same age join in common revolt against the fathers and when in the process of adapting a new lifestyle they find their own models and spokesmen.
Malcolm Cowley, A Second Flowering.
But [Malcolm] Cowley’s sentimentalism is itself part of the mythology about the characters of The Sun Also Rises, and the novel mothered fictions about itself. Even Hemingway could not stop the legend that he was depicting the Lost Generation. He protested that Earth and not Jake Barnes, not even the matador, Pedro Romero, was the hero. Few critics believe Hemingway even today.

 Bertram D. Sarason, Hemingway And The Sun Set. 

Instead of being the epic of the sun also rising on a lost generation, [The Sun Also Rises is] strikes me as a cock and bull story about a lot of summer tourists getting drunk and making fools of themselves at a picturesque Iberian folk-festival. It’s heartbreaking. If the generation is going to lose itself, for God’s sake let it show more fight . . . When a superbly written description of the fiesta of San Fermin in Pamplona . . . reminds you of a travel book . . . it’s time to hold an inquest.
John Dos Passos, reviewing The Sun Also
Rises for New Masses, Dec 1926.
A year and a half after its publication, Richard Barrett spoke of the impressions which the novel was having on the younger people about him, of the young men and women who spoke so reverently of it, marked passages in it, and kept it by their beds, apparently for solace in the dark hours. But one searches in vain for this response from the reviewers who did not hear in it the mournful sounds of a lost generation.
Frank L. Ryan The Immediate
 Critical Reception of Ernest Hemingway.
It was an age of miracles, it was an age of art, it was an age of excess, and it was an age of satire.
F. Scott Fitzgerald in Tales Of The Jazz Age.

THERE’S a cynical observation that if you ask five or ten or fifteen economists to define ‘economics’, you’ll get at least 20 definitions. Something similar is true when talk turns to the so-called ‘lost generation’. It is a staunch article of faith that Ernest Hemingway’s novel The Sun Also Rises portrays — and, more to the point, that he intended the novel to portray — members of that ‘lost generation’, men and women in such despair at the state of the world that they had reduced themselves to leading aimless lives of drunkenness and promiscuity. Does it?

The answer has little to do with whichever definition of ‘the lost generation’ you are working. Far more relevant is that the received interpretation was decidedly post hoc. If we accept that Hemingway’s men and women in The Sun Also Rises were getting drunk and engaging in casual sex because they could no longer cope with the world as they experienced it, we are, essentially, merely taking on trust the word of critics and academics: the novel itself doesn’t convey that at all.

Pertinently, the now orthodox interpretation of The Sun Also Rises as a portrayal of young folk in despair didn’t even gain currency for a year or two after the novel was published in 1926. Fifty-four years later, in 1980, by which time the canonisation of Ernest Hemingway as ‘one of our greatest writers’ was being more keenly scrutinised, Frank L. Ryan observed in The Immediate Critical Reception of Ernest Hemingway
A year and a half after its publication, Richard Barrett spoke of the impressions which the novel was having on the younger people about him, of the young men and women who spoke so reverently of it, marked passages in it, and kept it by their beds, apparently for solace in the dark hours. But one searches in vain for this response from the reviewers who did not hear in it the mournful sounds of a lost generation.
So the question is: how did that interpretation come about and why is it now almost universally accepted?

Poet and literary critic Malcolm Cowley (below) suggests that a better, more accurate, name for the so-called ‘lost generation’ would be the ‘World War I generation of writers’. He identifies them as idealists 
born in the last decade of the 19th century generation who became disillusioned with their fathers’ values and had high hopes of change, but soon realised once the war over it was still business as usual.

Other commentators, more vaguely, use the term the ‘lost generation’ to encompass all the writers who came to prominence in the 1920s. Still others claim it was specifically that group of expatriates, like Hemingway, who congregated in Paris in the 1920s.

At the end of the day, frankly, you pays your money and you makes your choice as to what the phrase means, but whatever it is, Hemingway’s novel is now firmly wedded to the idea of a ‘lost generation’.

. . .

Cowley makes his case well: in A Second Flowering, he examines the works of eight poets and writers born between 1894 and 1899 who might be thought to belong to that ‘lost generation’. Some joined up and fought in the war; some, like F Scott Fitzgerald, enlisted but never made it to the front; others served in a theatre-of-war ambulance service like the novelist John Dos Passos, the poet e e cummings and Hemingway. (Hemingway only managed four weeks, however, though on that basis he claimed for the rest of his life that in 1918 he ‘had gone to war’. Strictly speaking he had ‘gone to war’, although certainly not in the sense in which the phrase is usually understood). All, Cowley says, were scornful of the older generation. Cowley writes
The war . . . gave them the feeling of having lived in two eras, almost on two different planets. The second era seemed tawdrier in many ways, but still it had become their own world or century
and he quotes Dos Passos from a letter the novelist wrote to a classmate
If we only governed the world instead of the swagbellied old fogies that do . . . Down with the middle-aged!
Cowley describes how
For a few months after the Armistice — only a few — young American writers were full of hope for themselves and the world. The democracies were triumphant, all the great tyrannies were overthrown, and perhaps young men could play their part in an old American dream, that of building a new order of the age . . . The hope faded in 1919. Among the events of that disastrous year in American history were the Treaty of Versailles, which the Senate would refuse to ratify for the wrong reasons; the May Day riots of servicemen against Socialists; the general strike in Seattle, followed by strikes in major industries . . . the Volstead Act, passed over the veto of a crippled President; the rescinding by Congress of all the progressive measures adopted during the war. Together those events . . . . affirmed the moral dictatorship of congressmen from rural districts and left political power in the hands of businessmen with narrow aims: they wanted profits and very soon would have bigger profits than ever before, at an exorbitant cost to the world.
Yet one should acknowledge that the scorn for, and disgust with, their fathers’ generation felt by Cowley’s post-World War group of writers is hardly different to that of every younger generation, which, ironically, eventually becomes a new ‘fathers’ generation’.

Two generations later, those men who served in World War II — and who saw friends killed — were understandably upset and perhaps baffled that they and their values were rejected by their sons and daughters, the 1960s ‘hippies’; then, of course, those same feckless ‘hippies’ themselves grew old to become the ‘boomer’ generation now scorned by ‘millennials’; we don’t yet know the name by which the generation sired by those ‘millennials’ will be known, but we can be almost certain they, in turn, till turn on their parents.


Cowley’s analysis of his World War I generation is reasoned, solid and useful, and the debilitation that generation’s disillusionment caused might best be demonstrated by a typical — though an extreme — example, the life of Harold Stearns. Stearns makes an appearance in The Sun Also Rises as the drunken

The death notice of Harold Stearns
in the New York Times, in 1943

cadger Harvey Stone, and was one of many real-life men and women Hemingway used, thinly disguised, to populate his novel.

In fact, except for the character of Bill Gorton, who was an amalgam based on Hemingway’s friends childhood friend Bill Smith and the writer Donald Ogden Stewart, every main character in the novel had a real-life counterpart, and none was too pleased by how they were depicted. In her account of the genesis of the novel, Lesley M. M. Blume notes
When The Sun Also Rises was released . . . those who had been translated onto its pages were incredulous that it was being marketed as fiction. “When I first read it I couldn’t see what everyone was getting so excited about,” recalled Donald Ogden Stewart. . . Hemingway repurposed him into the book’s comic foil Bill Gorton. In his [Stewart’s] eyes The Sun Also Rises was ‘nothing but a report of what happened. This is journalism’
As a young man, Stearns was the very soul of enlightened liberalism. His father died before he was born, and he had a peripatetic childhood, but by the age of 16 he was earning money writing theatre reviews and able to pay his way through Harvard with with his journalism.

When he graduated in 1913, he moved to New York and was eventually taken on as a staff writer on The New Republic, founded in 1914 as a left-liberal progressive newspaper. Later, he edited the political and literary magazine, The Dial for a year. He made his name with two books: the first, published in 1919, was Liberalism In America in which he juxtaposed President Woodrow Wilson’s purported idealism with how that liberalism was failing in practice; then, in 1921, he published America And The Young Intellectual in which he accused the US of crushing its young ‘free spirits’.

A year later, he edited a collection of essays by leading liberal writers called Civilization In The United States. In it, according to the New York Times, America was depicted as a land of greed and puritanism where none of the finer things in life had a chance to flower. Stearns then declared himself disgusted with the US and moved to Paris, but there he began 13 years of increasing dissolution, eating very little and drinking a great deal.

Although the exchange rate made Paris cheap for Americans in the 1920s and Stearns had intended to earn his living from writing, he wrote nothing, had very little money and soon existed by borrowing cash. He largely kept himself to himself, though he existed on the periphery of the Montparnasse circle of expatriates of which Hemingway was a part.

After several years of increasing poverty and desolation, a well-wisher helped him land a job as a racing tipster for the Paris edition of the Chicago Tribune under the name ‘Peter Pickem’. He later transferred to the Paris edition of Britain’s Daily Mail, but was eventually sacked. Finally, after spending several months more or less living in the gutter, his teeth rotting and losing his sight, he was repatriated to the US by an American charity.

It would, though, be misleading to cite Stearns as typical of the ‘lost generation’ in despair at the state of the world and drinking themselves to death. Stearns’s demons were personal and he was an extreme example of ‘the disillusioned liberal’. Others who could be regarded as belonging to that reputed ‘lost generation’ in Paris did not lead such dissolute lives, and drinking to excess and indulging in all kinds of sexual activity, whether covertly or not, has been a consistent feature of all societies.

Pertinently, the alleged ‘bad’ behaviour of the American expatriates was being viewed and condemned by a nation buttoned up by Prohibition and — an often distinctly hypocritical — puritanism. Unhelpfully, most accounts have Paris of the 1920s being a comparatively sober city compared to the three ‘fin de siecle’ decades leading up to World War I.

. . .

If one accepts Cowley’s account of the gradual disillusion of a number of young writers who lost faith in their country and what they regarded as its venal values, there certainly was a ‘lost generation’; but more to point is the question: were the characters in Hemingway’s The Sun Also Rises also part of that ‘lost generation’ as is now almost universally claimed?

At best one might charitably respond: if they were, it’s really not obvious. At worst the answer is a stark and definite ‘no, they were not’. In his review of the novel for the Marxist magazine New Masses, Hemingway’s then friend and confidant John Dos Passos (below) quite possibly nails it when he scathingly wrote
Instead of being the epic of the sun also rising on a lost generation, [The Sun Also Rises is] strikes me as a cock and bull story about a lot of summer tourists getting drunk and making fools of themselves at a picturesque Iberian folk-festival. It’s heartbreaking. If the generation is going to lose itself, for God’s sake let it show more fight.
In fact, Dos Passos, who had been part of Hemingway’s party on a Pamplona trip a year earlier, later apologised for his New Masses review, though whether he had changed his mind about the novel or simply decided he did not want to risk their friendship with Hemingway (which was, though, irrevocably shattered 11 years later in Spain) is not recorded.

When considering the behaviour of characters in the novel, it is counter-intuitive to grant it a philosophical dimension immediately, though as they are ‘characters in a novel’ doing so is tempting. 

Yes, the cast of The Sun Also Rises drink a great deal in Pamplona, but then so did the Spanish townsfolk and others attending the festival who were presumably not part of a ‘lost generation in despair’. 

Yes, one of them — Brett Ashley — was easy with her favours and might by some be thought of as promiscuous (in the course of the novel she had three lovers: Robert Cohn, the young bullfighter Romero and, presumably, her fiancĂ© Mike Campbell). But to assume prima facie that she slept around because she was in despair over the state of the world, her and others’ lives and future of here generation is simply not warranted by the text of the novel.

Bill Gorton is, in fact, remorselessly cheerful, and Robert Cohn essentially nothing but a spoiled rich kid mooning like a love-struck adolescent for the woman who has rejected him. Mike Campbell, the only character apart from Jake Barnes who had fought in the war might qualify as a member of the ‘lost generation in despair’, but although the war is briefly mentioned, nothing Campbell says or does in the novel would remotely lead to that conclusion.

Unusually, the alleged despair of a ‘lost generation’, one of the supposedly central themes of The Sun Also Rises, did not even register for a year or two, and it is difficult to establish just when that interpretation gained currency. In The Immediate Critical Reception of Ernest Hemingway, Frank L Ryan notes
No single factor was as illustrative of the failure of The Sun Also Rises to convince the critics that Hemingway was a great writer than its failure to convince them that it was the record of a generation and that its author was the spokesman for that generation.
This, written in 1980 and 19 years after Hemingway’s suicide, was not the hitherto standard narrative of the writer’s achievements and literary significance.