The theology of evaluating Hemingway — Part II

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

This, the war-wound interpretation of the story was established not by textual evidence, but by what the critics knew about the author’s life — or rather what they thought they knew about his life. After he was dead, they eagerly seized on his posthumously published comment in A Moveable Feast that Big Two-Hearted River was about ‘coming back from the war, but there was no mention of the war in it as clinching proof that they were right. They would have been better advised to wonder if a master manipulator was not making fools of them from beyond the grave, as he so often had in life.
Kenneth S. Lynn, in his biography Hemingway.

 

People always think that the reason [Hemingway is] easy to read is that he is concise. He isn’t . . . The reason Hemingway is easy to read is that he repeats himself all the time, using ‘and’ for padding.
Tom Wolfe, author of Bonfire Of The Vanities.

 

[Across The River And Into The Trees is] one of the saddest books I have ever read; not because I am moved to compassion by the conjunction of love and death in the Colonel's life, but because a great talent has come, whether for now or forever, to such a dead end.
J. Donald Adams, New York Times.

 

Nothing touches a work of art so little as words of criticism: they always result in more or less fortunate misunderstandings. Things aren't all so tangible and sayable as people would usually have us believe; most experiences are unsayable, they happen in a space that no word has ever entered, and more unsayable than all other things are works of art, those mysterious existences, who life endures beside our own small, transitory life.
Rainer Maria Rilke.

 

American society, literary or lay, tends to be humorless. What other culture could have produced someone like Hemingway and not seen the joke?
Gore Vidal.

AFTER the appearance of Death In the Afternoon, Winner Take Nothing and Green Hills Of Africa Hemingway’s star was decidedly waning among the literati, but conversely his name was becoming ever better known among the public, and his fame was growing, not least through his own efforts. As John Raeburn details in Fame Became Him, Hemingway was adept at self-promotion, and he took a subtle but active part in raising his profile.

This practice, says Raeburn, had begun even when Hemingway was unpublished and an unknown working as Ford Madox Ford’s deputy on the transatlantic review [sic]. The articles he wrote for the magazine, says Raeburn, were
trivial in terms of [his] literary career, but they are significant in terms of his career as public writer. They revealed that his public personality was incipient at the outset of his professional life, and that he was willing to use it for self-aggrandisement. They were a preview of the self-advertisements that would spread his fame in the next decade beyond the limited audience provided by an intellectual elite; and they foreshadowed that in his non-fiction his great subject was to be himself.
The self-promotion was also the essence of the pieces — they were called ‘Letters’ — Hemingway was hired to write for the new and popular lifestyle magazine Esquire. It was launched in 1933 as an upmarket lifestyle guide for men, and Arnold Gingrich, a founder and its editor, was keen to sign up Hemingway
precisely because of his growing celebrity and public profile. Hemingway knew how much that was worth to Gingrich (right) and insisted on being well paid: he received twice as much for each Letter than any other contributor to the magazine, and his fee rose by the year. Furthermore, Hemingway was free to write on whatever subject he chose, though, as Raeburn observes,
for the rest of his career [Hemingway] advertised his public personality in his considerable body of non-fiction, for whatever his nominal subject, he real subject was himself.
Hemingway’s metamorphosis from ‘promising writer’ into ‘one of the greatest writers of the 20th century’ was thus continuous and steady. The irony was that it was no longer the literary world that was confirming his status, but the judgment of popular acclaim. In fact, in professional terms, except for his journalistic work for Esquire and other publications, a decade after he had burst onto the literary scene his future looked bleak.

Until 1940 when Hemingway published is bestselling For Whom The Bell Tolls, the comparative failures in the 1930s of his non-fiction and fiction dictated his literary standing. Although Max Perkins was pleased when in 1937 Hemingway published To Have And Have Not and it sold well, the critics regarded it as at best mediocre to not very good at all. In a review of For Whom The Bell Tolls in the literary quarterly Scrutiny, Wilfrid Mellers was not the only critic to wonder aloud what was going on. He even described To Have And Have Not as
such a wickedly bad book that one began to despair of Mr Hemingway’s reputation. It was chaotic and it was insincere
although he did concede that
chaos and insincerity are not faults typical of [Hemingway’s] work.
. . .

Between August 1937 and May 1938 Hemingway visited Spain four times, both to help with filming a documentary about the country’s civil war (which became The Spanish Earth for which he wrote and spoke the commentary) and as a war correspondent, hired by the North American Newspaper Alliance. In keeping with his by now prominent public profile, his departure for Spain was ‘news’ and duly reported in the papers.

His celebrity was already such that in November 1937 the New York Times informed its readers that ‘Hemingway Writes Play In Shell-Rocked Madrid’. That play, The Fifth Column, features a very thinly disguised Hemingway as a cynical, hard-drinking and well-informed war correspondent and secret agent,
and a very thinly disguised Martha Gellhorn (left) as the hero’s rather bubble-headed, Vassar-educated mistress, also a war correspondent. It takes place in the city’s Hotel Florida where the protagonists are holed up, as were Hemingway and Gellhorn.

Before it was staged, Scribner’s published it in a joint volume with a re-issue of Hemingway’s first 49 short stories. If finally had a 14-week run on Broadway two years later, directed by Lee Strasberg, but not until the producers had it re-written by Hollywood screenwriter Benjamin Glazer (who had co-scripted the film version of A Farewell To Arms starring Gary Cooper). The Fifth Column was not a success (and it has been revived just twice in the past 80 years, in New York in 2008 and in London in 2016). The critic Alfred Kazin declared in the New York Herald Tribune Books that it was
hardly a great play [though] an interesting Hemingway period piece
adding
I almost said Hemingway short story, so nimbly do his stage people talk the clipped Hemingway speech — for it tells us more about him than it does about Spain.
One setback for Hemingway while in Spain was a rebuke from the North American Newspaper Alliance who asked him to write more about the war and what was happening and less about himself and his experiences. At the end of May 1938 and realising that the Spanish Loyalists’ cause was lost, he returned to the US, telling the New York Times that he was a little jaded with active reporting on the war front and wanted to write some short stories and a novel, though, he added, he might return to Spain ‘if things get warm over there’.

. . .

The novel he wanted to write was For Whom The Bell Tolls, and when it was published in 1940, it’s reception was spectacular, and it substantially revived Hemingway’s career among the critics. Almost all praised the novel as a return to form, though one or two thought the romance between Robert Jordan and Maria was artificial and superfluous.

One — notable — dissident from the overall critical acclaim was the Spanish writer and journalist Arturo Barea, and he was especially scathing. Barea had lived alongside Hemingway and Gellhorn at the Hotel Florida before the city was evacuated and he and the writer were well acquainted, not least because Barea had
run the Loyalist government censor’s office in Madrid which had to pass all correspondent’s copy before it could be dispatched. Reviewing For Whom The Bell Tolls for Horizon in May, 1941, he praised parts of it, but declared that
as a novel about Spaniards and their war it is unreal and, in the last analysis, deeply untruthful, though practically all the critics claim the contrary, whatever their objections to other aspects of the book.
He added that a foreign reader would
come to understand some aspects of Spanish character and life, but [would] misunderstand more, and more important ones at that.
Barea (right) also dismissed the three-day love affair between Jordan and Maria, remarking that a
Spanish girl of the rural middle class is steeped in a tradition in which influences from the Moorish harem and the Catholic convent mix [and] could not ask a stranger, a foreigner, to let her come into his bed the very first night after they had met . . .
He declared that Hemingway’s depiction of the Jordan and Maria’s short liaison was ‘pure romancing’, a verdict that was echoed 20 years later by Maxwell Geismar in the New York Times who noted that For Whom The Bell Tolls
sometimes called Hemingway’s best novel . . . is a curious mixture of good and bad, of marvellous scenes and chapters which are balanced off by improbable or sentimental or melodramatic passages of adolescent fantasy development.
Yet by late 1940 when For Whom The Bell Tolls was published, Hemingway need no longer care about the critics and their opinions: the public loved it, and its sales were astonishing. According to biographer Jeffery Meyers, For Whom The Bell Tolls sold half-a-million copies in the first six months, and its runaway success was boosted when it was chosen as a Book of the Month.

This was another irony: as an unknown ‘promising writer’ of the 1920s, Hemingway had proudly purported to care nothing for material success and claimed to despise writers whose work succeeded because it was chosen by the Book of the Month club. By 1940 he had overcome his distaste, and his change of heart ensured he was a wealthy man for the rest of his life.

More to the point his status with the public as ‘one of America’s greatest writers’ was well on its way to being assured. Yet as far as literary esteem was concerned, that was pretty much it for Hemingway: from 1940 until his suicide 21 years later in July 1961, he published just two more works of original fiction — the bestselling, but critically panned, Across The River And Into The Trees and his celebrated novella The Old Man And The Sea — and the reception of both highlighted the ever-widening divide between his literary reputation and his public standing.

. . .

Across The River And Into The Trees was published ten years after For Whom The Bell Tolls appeared. Hemingway wrote the novel after developing an amour fou for Adriana Ivancich (pictured), a 19-year-old Venetian woman he met on an extended trip to Europe in 1948/49 with his wife Mary. It is a distinctly
fantastical account of the last three days in the life of 50-year-old Colonel Richard Cantwell (quite obviously yet another Hemingway avatar) and his ‘affair’ with Renata, a 19-year-old Venetian woman. 

Hemingway began writing it as a short story while still in Italy and developed it into a novel once he was back in Cuba (breaking off from work on the two novels he had begun in 1946 which eventually appeared, in one form or another after he had died as Islands In The Stream and The Garden Of Eden).

In Across The River And Into The Trees, Cantwell and Renata have sex several times in a gondola, provoking Italian critics — echoing Arturo Barea’s scathing comments about the ‘affair’ in For Whom The Bell Tolls — to declare that a ‘Venetian noblewoman’ would never be unchaperoned and would never have sex so casually. (Ivancich was chaperoned at every meeting she had with Hemingway and the mid-life passion he had for her was unrequited.) The American critics, memorably described by Hemingway in Green Hills Of Africa as
lice who crawl on literature
loathed it. In the New York Times J. Donald Adams confessed the novel was
one of the saddest books I have ever read; not because I am moved to compassion by the conjunction of love and death in the Colonel's life, but because a great talent has come, whether for now or forever, to such a dead end.
The novelist John Dos Passos, by now only nominally ‘a good friend’ after he and Hemingway had fallen out 12 years earlier in Spain wrote in a private letter
How can a man in his senses leave such bullshit on the page?
In the Saturday Review Of Literature, Maxwell Geismar observed that Across The River And Into The Trees was
. . . an unfortunate novel and unpleasant to review for anyone who respects Hemingway’s talent and achievement. It is not only Hemingway’s worst novel; it is a synthesis of everything that is bad in his previous work and throws a doubtful light on the future. It is so dreadful, in fact, that it begins to have its own morbid fascination. . .
In Nation, Morton Dauwen Zabel described it as
the poorest thing its author has ever done — poor with a feebleness of invention, a dullness of language, and a self-parodying of style and theme even beyond ‘The Fifth Column’ and ‘To Have and Have Not.’
On the other hand the public loved it as much as they had loved For Whom The Bell Tolls: it, too, sold extremely well and spent seven weeks in the bestsellers’ listing, becoming the third bestselling novel of 1950. One America’s ‘greatest writers’? Who knows, but the public most certainly thought so even if the critics no longer did.

Two years later Hemingway’s short novel — more a novella — The Old Man And The Sea was an even greater success. It, too, was chosen as a Book Of The Month, its initial 50,000 copy print-run sold out in days, and it rose to number seven in the bestsellers’ list. Life magazine printed the complete story in its

 

September 1, 1952, edition, and all five million copies of it sold out. As far as the public were concerned, if Ernest Hemingway was not ‘one of the country’s greatest living writers’, who was?

Yet despite publishing just those two books in his final 20 years, Hemingway had by no means been idle: when he returned from the war in Europe at the beginning of March 1945 until he died 16 years later, he stuck to his usual disciplined routine when he was not travelling or on a hunting trip of writing every morning, then taking the afternoon off.

In those last 16 years, he wrote several hundred thousands of words: apart from the two works which were published while he was still alive, he produced substantial drafts for what became his novels Islands In The Stream and The Garden Of Eden, his memoir A Moveable Feast — though he asked his publisher to market is as ‘fiction’ — a second bullfighting book, The Dangerous Summer, and finally True At First Light, which like his memoir was something of a hybrid between fact and fiction. All were posthumously published.

In fact, Hemingway could not stop writing: each manuscript he produced had to be heavily edited, often substantially, to turn it into a publishable form. A Moveable Feast was the first of his works to appear after his death, in a version edited by his wife Mary Welsh from several extant drafts. Her edits were eventually challenged — she had, for example, arbitrarily deleted a section in which Hemingway publicly apologised to his first wife, Hadley Richardson, for treating her shabbily — and a new version, this time edited by his grandson Sean Hemingway, appeared in 2009, although it, too, sparked controversy.

Islands In The Stream came next, published in 1970 and, nine years after Hemingway’s death, it sold well, spending some time in the list of the top ten bestsellers. When he started writing it, it was to have been the ‘big book’ about the war everyone said they were excited about Hemingway writing. He had announced it would be about ‘war on the sea, in the air, and on land', but after a promising start, Hemingway lost track and the ‘big book’ he hoped to write came to nothing.

It’s genesis was also questionable: at first consisting of four sections and initially spoken of by Hemingway as his ‘war novel’, one section was hived off to become The Old Man And The Sea, and he struggled to complete the fourth section. He eventually assured his publisher, Scribner’s, that it had been completed but was being kept in a bank vault for the time being.

One suggestion has been that Hemingway regarded it as an insurance policy’ to be cashed in if he became too infirm or simply could not write any more. Another suggestion is that he wanted to avoid paying even more income tax for which he would have been liable had the book sold well.

A third suggestion has been that he suspected it wasn’t quite good enough in its current state. But all this is speculation. The fact is that it wasn’t published while he was alive, and it had to be cut and substantially edited before Scribner’s published it.

For the eventual publication in 1985 of The Garden Of Eden, Hemingway’s 200,000 word-long manuscript also had to be substantially cut, by a drastic two-thirds, and some critics questioned whether it bore any resemblance to the novel Hemingway might have completed. Whole plot lines and characters
were discarded in the editing, although Tom Jenks, a former Esquire and The Paris Review editor who was hired by Scribner’s to do the work after in-house editors gave up, claimed
I did only what I thought Hemingway would have done.
This tells us rather less than he or we might think: how was Jenks (left) or anyone else to know a quarter of a century later ‘what Hemingway would have done’ and what that was? This also raises the interesting ontological question of how much the published novel was indeed ‘Hemingway’s work’, a point Jenks was sensitive about.

The Dangerous Summer began as a 10,000-word feature Hemingway had been contracted to write by Life magazine about a series of competitive bullfights by Spain’s two leading matadors. After an extensive and exhausting tour of Spain’s bullrings to gather copy (at a time when Hemingway’s health was giving way), he pleaded that 10,000 were too restrictive for the piece he had in mind, and Life agreed he could write more.

As it grew ever longer, Hemingway decided it might become a coda to a re-issue of Death In The Afternoon. He eventually wrote 120,000 words, but this was far too much for what Life wanted, and his copy was eventually edited down by Life — with the help of A. E. Hotchner, Hemingway had tried to do so himself and failed — to a 30,000-word feature, which appeared in Life in instalments over three issues in September 1960. Twenty-five years later Hemingway’s 120,000-word manuscript was again re-edited, cut to 75,000 words and as The Dangerous Summer appeared in book form.

True At First Light, which was eventually published in 1999 — the occasion was nominally the centenary of Hemingway’s birth but one suspect Scribner’s were also keen to squeeze the last dollar out of their property — was an account of Hemingway’s second East African safari which had ended when he was involved in two plane crashes in as many days, the second of which almost cost him his life (right). 

Although in the aftermath of the accidents he played to the gallery as the indestructible ‘Papa’ Hemingway who had yet again cheated death, his condition was poorly and his health declined inexorably until his suicide seven years later.

Still recovering from the severe injuries he sustained in the second plane crash, Hemingway began writing True At First Light in 1954, at first intending it to be a novel, but after completing more than 800 pages, he gave up and did no further work on it, and it was edited into shape by his second son, Patrick.

As Hemingway’s last work to be published, it was something of a sad adieu. Reviewers loyally and dutifully noted — after all by then Hemingway was a Nobel laureate and thus officially ‘one of the world’s greatest writers’ — that it contained flashes of the old Hemingway or used some such respectful variation, but it did not set the world alight. In the New York Times, James Wood wrote that the book
contains all that is most easily imitated of Hemingway’s style, reminding us again that after about 1935 the author franchised himself in increasingly despairing outlets.
He added that
The book’s failings are ones that have passed into contemporary currency in American writing. There is much sloshing male sentimentality, in that now characteristic form in which masculinity is taken to be inherently metaphysical (to hunt game is to quest, to be sexually needy is to confront ‘the loneliness’).
Wood also noted that
Sentences are either casually functional or busily functional; in the latter category are many sentences that are completely uninteresting except that they carry on as if they were very interesting, as if they were little lozenges of lyricism when in fact they only leak information
On the question of the quality of the — extensively edited — work published after Hemingway had died, biographer Michael Reynolds was unimpressed. Writing in the Winter 1991 edition of the Virginia Quarterly Review (VQR) about For Whom The Bell Tolls 50 years on he noted that
About the posthumous works, critics are divided and scholars are largely silent. The Garden of Eden was so badly edited that the present text is like reading A Tale of Two Cities with London left out. A Moveable Feast, a curious kind of fiction, is only marginally better in its editing. Two chapters were cut, most of the others were re-sequenced, and his foreword was pieced together by his editors from several different manuscripts.
Tom Jenks, who had finally knocked The Garden Of Eden into publishable shape, was equally unimpressed with Islands In The Stream: in the introduction to a volume of critical essays about the novel, he described it as
a not-quite-finished novel about World War II in Cuba, that began very well but tailed off to the level of a book for boys.
Scribner’s were not a charity, but a commercial outfit, and they cannot be faulted for doing their best to edit the welter of words Hemingway had produced into what they hoped was a halfway decent ‘product’. But would it be unkind to inquire why ‘one of the world’s greatest writers’ who always insisted on how professional he was, both as an artist and as a journalist, was apparently unable to stick to his brief when writing non-fiction — his feature for Life magazine; why the writer whose style was once admired for its tough and brutal concision had become so unfeasibly prolix?

And why was ‘one of the world’s greatest writers’ unable to produce manuscripts in good enough shape to forgo considerable editing? After he published For Whom The Bell Tolls, he always fretted that he might never repeat its success: did he suspect that the work he sat on was not quite up to snuff? Any answer would merely be idle speculation; but it is all a little odd.




The theology of evaluating Hemingway — Part III

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

How is [the critic] to find out what the poet tried to do? If the poet succeeded in doing it, then the poem itself shows what he was trying to do. The simplest explanation is usually the most likely one.
W. K. Wimsatt and Monroe Beardsley,
The Intentional Fallacy.

Literature is that neuter . . . the trap where all identity is lost, beginning with the very identity of the body that writes.
Roland Barthes, The Death Of The Author.

The simplest explanation is usually the most likely one.
One of many variations defining Occam’s Razor the Law/Principle of Parsimony.

IN THE past and often still today literary theory has, to a greater or lesser extent, been influenced by, in turn, the tenets of formalism, new criticism, phenomenology, structuralism, post-structuralism and deconstruction. Literary works have also been examined through the prisms of psychoanalysis, feminism, gender and queer theory, new historicism, Marxism, post-colonial theory and cultural materialism — and the list is not exclusive.

Yet however much each doctrine was championed when it came into fashion, none is ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ in its conclusions: broadly each simply provides us with a different, and often unusual, perspective on what we are examining.

Some specifically chose to view a work and its ‘meaning’ from the reader’s point of view, and notably some even argued that once a work has come into existence, the role of the author was of no consequence and that the role and reactions of the reader were central. (A number of Hemingway’s friends insist that beneath the braggadocio, he was essentially a shy and intellectual man, though equally on record is his blunt dismissals of talk on ‘art’ as airy-fairy nonsense, so one wonders how Hemingway might have reacted to that suggestion.)

Whatever the literary practice to which an academic, post-grad student and any of the other assorted scholars subscribe when they interpret and analyse Hemingway’s fiction and pronounce on ‘underlying meanings’, it does not seem to have been formalism.

Formalism would, for example, give short shrift to the, now conventional and accepted, doctrine that The Sun Also Rises, Hemingway’s first novel (which, in fact, was his second) portrayed a ‘lost generation’ of young people in despair. As Frank L. Ryan unhelpfully pointed out in The Immediate Critical Reception of Ernest Hemingway (echoing those critics who had expected something a little more exciting from Hemingway after the startling debut of his first volume of short stories)
No single factor was as illustrative of the failure of The Sun Also Rises to convince the critics that Hemingway was a great writer than its failure to convince them that it was the record of a generation and that its author was the spokesman for that generation. A year and a half after its publication, Richard Barrett spoke of the impressions which the novel was having on the younger people about him, of the young men and women who spoke so reverently of it, marked passages in it, and kept it by their beds, apparently for solace in the dark hours. But one searches in vain for this response from the reviewers who did not hear in it the mournful sounds of a lost generation.
As for the now orthodox take on Big Two-Hearted River, the longer-than-usual two-part story which concluded Hemingway’s first volume of short stories (and which he had at first intended to end with his thoughts on ‘writing’), Kenneth S. Lynn, equally unhelpfully for those who revere Hemingway, noted in his biography of the writer that
the war-wound interpretation of the story was established not by textual evidence, but by what the critics knew about the author’s life — or rather what they thought they knew about his life. After he was dead, they eagerly seized on his posthumously published comment in A Moveable Feast that Big Two-Hearted River was about ‘coming back from the war’, but there was no mention of the war in it as clinching proof that they were right. They would have been better advised to wonder if a master manipulator was not making fools of them from beyond the grave, as he so often had in life.
Some critics now substantiate the claim that the story did indeed depict a young, shell-shocked vet returning from war by citing the ‘the town of Seney being destroyed by fire’, the burnt landscape, Hemingway’s allusion to ‘the sinister’ and the ‘swamp’.

These claims are decidedly post-hoc and are made once the now orthodox ‘meaning’ of the story has been established. The town of Seney and its surrounding countryside had certainly been damaged by a wildfire, but these were — and are — a regular in upper Michigan (and the most recent was in 2007) and any symbolic correlation with horrors of ’the Great War’ (as it was then known) is at best wishful.

It can be argued that there is no definitive interpretation of any of Hemingway’s works of fiction because quite simply there cannot be one: just how is one to gauge which interpretation is ‘right’ and which is ‘wrong’ (or, better, misguided)?

Furthermore, a ‘formalistic’, ‘new critical’ or any other approach to interpreting and analysing works of literature is neither the ‘correct’ nor ‘incorrect’ one to take: they are all just one of the many methodologies available for undertaking that task, and each might, at best, be expected to give the reader a new perspective.

Yet insisting that a text — whether of prose or poetry — should be sovereign and should primarily be interpreted in itself is an attractive analytical method, if only because it limits the scope for woolly speculation, of which there has been quite a lot when it came to interpreting Hemingway’s work.

In their essay The Intentional Fallacy which appeared in the Sewanee Review in 1946, W. K. Wimsatt and Monroe Beardsley ask
How is [the critic] to find out what the poet tried to do? If the poet succeeded in doing it, then the poem itself shows what he was trying to do. And if the poet did not succeed, then the poem is not adequate evidence and the critic must go outside the poem for evidence of intention that did not become effective in the poem.
Wimsatt and Beardsley were, admittedly, discussing poetry and their take on literary analysis will now be old hat for many (and possibly regarded by more modern practitioners as simplistic); but there seems no reason why the principle which drives their approach should not be applied to prose fiction. With that in mind the question is: does the text of The Sun Also Rises portray a ‘lost generation’ in despair?

The sole reference to a ‘lost generation’ is when Gertrude Stein (below) is quoted in one of the novel’s two epigraphs, and it is not even clear what point she was making. She was repeating what a French provincial garage owner had told her, and nor is it clear he was saying. He described those who had
served in the war — one assumes, given their age when the comment was made — as ‘a lost generation’ and is complaining that they have lost the work ethic.

The garage owner does not say why, and there is no suggestion they are somehow ‘in despair’ and given up on life. Hemingway was simply quoting Stein, and to deduce from that epigraph that the novel was intended to ‘portray a lost generation in despair’ is gratuitous.

Hemingway’s motive for writing his novel was primarily to further his fledgling literary career — he is on record as saying he knew he had to write a novel — and the two, in spirit contradictory, epigraphs were intended to give the work more ‘bottom’, more gravitas. After completing his first draft, he had spent a weekend in Chartres where he had settled on a title for his novel and the two epigraphs. He had also composed a somewhat muddled and rambling ‘foreword’, but then discarded it, perhaps because he realised it didn’t work. 

Here is that discarded foreword (Hemingway’s own deletions are highlighted in bold):
One day last summer Gertrude Stein stopped in a garage in a small town in the Department of Ain to a have a valve fixed in her Ford car. The young mechanic who fixed it was very good and quick and skilful. There were three other mechanics all about the same age in the garage.
‘Where do you get the boys to work like this?’ Miss Stein asked the owner of the garage. ‘I thought you couldn’t get boys to work any more.’
‘Oh yes,’ the garage owner said. ‘You can get very good boys now. I’ve taken all these and trained them myself. It is the ones between twenty-two and thirty that are no good. C’est un generation perdu. No one wants them. They are no good. They were spoiled. The young ones, the new ones are all right again.’
‘But what becomes of the others?’
‘Nothing. They know they are no good. C’est un generation perdu. A little hard on them,’ he added.
I did not hear this story until after I had written this book. I had thought of calling it Fiesta but did not want to use a foreign word. Perdu loses a little something by being translated into lost. There is something much more final about perdu. There is only this to say that this generation that is lost has nothing to do with any Younger Generation about whose outcome much literary speculation occurred in past times. This is not a question of what kind of mothers will flappers make or where is bobbed hair leading us. This is about something that is already finished. For whatever is going to happen to the generation of which I am a part has already happened. 
There will be more entanglements, there will be more complications, there will be successes and failures. There may be other wars. A few will learn to live perhaps one or two may learn to write or paint. 
But the things that are given to people to happen to them have already happened. There will be many new salvations brought forward. My generation in France for example in two years sought salvation in first the Catholic church, 2nd communism Dadaism, third the movies, fourth Royalism, fifth the Catholic church again. There may be another and better war. But none of it will matter particularly to this generation because to them the things that are given to people to happen have already happened.

Yet it is now not just an article of faith but a doctrine in English literature departments the world over that the novel’s ‘theme’ was a ‘lost generation in despair’. We might remind ourselves of Frank Ryan’s question: so why did no one notice at the time?

The same is true of Big Two-Hearted River: until A Moveable Feast was published posthumously in 1964, 40 years after Hemingway’s short story appeared, no one ‘understood’ it essentially to be an account of a young man recovering from his bad experiences in World War I.

The story was praised for its detailed description of nature and fishing and lyrical style, but the, now orthodox, interpretation wasn’t adopted until in his memoir Hemingway informed the world ‘what the story was about’. Hemingway might well have intended his story ‘to be about’ a young man recovering from bad war experiences, but if — for almost 40 years — no reader realised it, one can only conclude that the story did not succeed. Even with that ‘knowledge’ it is something of a stretch to match various elements in the story with — what Hemingway told us — was its ‘meaning’.

These are just two examples — there are others — but they do beg the question: just how ‘great’ is a writer who is obliged to ‘explain’ his work? If it is all there in the text — and a text can contain a great deal of information, much of it possibly oblique — it is fair to assume that, sooner or later, it will be spotted. (Arguably, that same question might be asked of many other writers, but discussing it is beyond the scope of this book.)

There will already be a chorus of objections to that question, yet those protests do little but echo the circular argument which ‘proves’ Hemingway’s celebrated literary stature. The logic remains: that ‘because Hemingway is such a great writer, it is up to us to understand what he is saying, and these stories and their themes demonstrate just what a great writer Hemingway was’. To which one might best quote Evelyn Waugh’s Mr Salter: well, up to a point, Lord Copper.

. . .

For some the attraction of restricting oneself to the text of a story, novel or poem when analysing and interpreting is the rigour it imposes. If a publisher is sent blind a manuscript to be considered for publication and is told and knows nothing about the author or the work, she or he can do little else but evaluate the manuscript solely on what is presented within its two covers. It might certainly be illuminating — later, perhaps — to acquire additional information about a writer and, say, the circumstances of a work’s genesis; but in strikes me as wisest, in the first instance, to evaluate a work in and of itself.

In his 1967 essay The Death Of The Author, the French literary theorist Roland Barthes (left) might be thought — by implication — to be reinforcing the suggestion that a piece of literature must stand or fall on its own terms. He certainly insisted that each piece is sovereign and that the author’s ownership of it ceases as soon as its composition is complete:
literature is that neuter . . . the trap where all identity is lost, beginning with the very identity of the body that writes.
From this one might proceed to the notion that the biography and life experiences of ‘the author’ — and what she or he declares is the meaning of a story, novel or poem — is neither here nor there when attempting to ‘understand’ a story, novel or poem.

Naturally, neither Wimsatt and Beardsley or Barthes are ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ in this matter. Just how one wants to interpret a work of literature is optional and scholars are free to do so as they please: over the past five or six decades works have been analysed through many lenses; but it is still legitimate to ask why, as Frank Ryan pointed out, no one realised when The Sun Also Rises was published that it was about a ‘lost generation in despair’; and why, as Kenneth Lynn asked, no one realised for almost 40 years that Big Two-Hearted River was about a young man returning home broken by war.

Was it simply not apparent? Were the critics and readers and, latterly, the academics, scholars and post-grad students simply not reading the works attentively enough? And what are we to make of Lynn’s dig at Hemingway — who told an extraordinary number of fibs about himself and his life — that the writer offering us his ‘explanation’ of what was ‘really’ taking place in Big Two-Hearted River was simply another instance of a ‘master manipulator’ at work.

One can go on: it is equally legitimate to inquire why a man almost addicted to self-promotion and who, if the mood took him, might lie and fabricate his past sooner than breathe, would decide to play with a straight bat in matters of his work and ‘literature’?

It would here only be fair to point out Hemingway’s tendency to tell tall stories grew ever more apparent from the mid 1940s on, after he suffered yet another head injury — and was to suffer even more before his death — and both his mental and physical health declined steadily. The incessant boozing and later the bewildering mix of medication he was prescribed didn’t help.

He had been something of a romantic fantasist from an early age, claiming before he shipped to Europe in 1918 that he had slept with the girlfriend of the notorious gangster Jack ‘Legs’ Diamond. At 19 in Milan
and recuperating from being blown up at Fossalta, he told his later close friend and British war hero Eric ‘Chink’ Dorman-Smith (right) that he had sustained his injuries going into battle with Italy’s famous Arditi troops and had been their youngest commissioned officer.

Back in the US, he had paraded around Oak Park in Italian army uniform items of which a velvet cape was the most striking and made more claims when he was asked to give a talk at his old high school and deliver other such lectures about his ‘war experiences’.

Yet, a great deal might be explained and excused as the exuberant and immature behaviour of a young man (who was, we now know, prone to manic-depression). The fabulous inventions about himself, his life and his experiences of his last 20-odd years were of a wholly different order. It was during this time that he supplied his own interpretations for some of his stories which had hitherto eluded others.We are obliged to concede that is possible, but we should also balance ‘possibility’ against ‘probability’.

The faithful might protest that whatever else he was, Hemingway was a conscientious artist (though largely because he told us he was), and it must follow that when he chose to elucidate aspects of his work — as in revealing the ‘meaning’ of Big, Two-Hearted River — we must take him at his word. Yet taking that line runs perilously close to the circular justifications for why Hemingway ‘was one of our greatest writers’.

. . .

By the mid-1940s, in the wake of the astonishing commercial success of For Whom The Bell Tolls and its — though more muted — critical success, Hemingway’s celebrity status rose even higher and his literary standing was revived. His public fame continued to grow over the next 20 years, and it was such that the day after he shot himself on July 2, 1961, the New York Times carried his photo and a report of his death above the fold of its front page and devoted the whole of page six to reports, memoirs and encomiums.

Serious attention to Hemingway’s work from scholars and academia — as opposed to from the critics he despised — is thought to have taken off in 1944 with the appearance of Viking Press’s volume The Portable Hemingway. Malcolm Cowley had been hired to make a selection of Hemingway’s writings, and in his introduction he insisted that Hemingway’s work deserved far more detailed critical consideration than it had so far received and that he should be treated as ‘an artist’.

Cowley reinforced the point when he wrote A Portrait Of Mister Papa, his long profile of Hemingway for Life magazine in 1949, which burnished the image no end (with which Hemingway cooperated, but whose publication he came to regret). Cowley’s call resounded with some, and academics in the foothills of their

 

careers such as Charles Fenton, Philip Young, John Atkins and Carlos Baker, hoping to make their name, began various studies of one kind or another of Hemingway’s work.

Hemingway’s response to their various approaches was oddly ambivalent: on the one hand he appeared to warn each man off in no uncertain terms, and it seems that overall, he was not keen on his life being scrutinised. On the other he could sometimes prove to be helpful and might even be thought, tacitly, to be encouraging their attention

He eventually warmed to Baker’s suggestion when he was persuaded it would be a book about him as a craftsman — it was published as Hemingway: The Writer As Artist in 1952; but he completely opposed Phillip Young’s intended volume and was furious with Young’s suggestion that all of his work was sustained by the various physical and psychic ‘wounds’ he had suffered. Broadly, if a scholar wanted to write about his work, he was amenable. If a scholar intended writing a biography, he was — seemingly — adamant that it should not be done.

Cowley’s view, that there were hidden depths to Hemingway’s work, was adopted, and in the wake of the early academic studies ever more academic papers, PhD and Masters’ dissertations and contributions to learned journals about aspects of Hemingway’s were published.

To this day, for example, 60 years after Hemingway’s death, about a dozen articles of one kind or another, research papers on Hemingway’s work and life, and reviews of books about the writer appear in each issue of the twice-yearly Hemingway Review (which was founded in 1980). Still ongoing is work on a projected seventeen-volume collection of Hemingway’s letters from Cambridge University Press, of which so far only five volumes have been published.

Unsurprisingly, the central, more or less irrefutable, belief driving all this academic work was and is that ‘Hemingway was one of the greatest writers of the 20th century’ (or, at the very least that ‘Hemingway was a great writer’); and the tone of much of it leads one to suspect that — this is only a slight exaggeration —Ernest Hemingway is, by many, tacitly and unwittingly regarded as unimpeachable. 

This can lead to some curious claims when his work is interpreted and some odd contortions when scholars attempt to explain various anomalies, oddities and inconsistencies in his work.

. . .

An interesting example of the tendency for academics to tie themselves in knots rather than consider that Hemingway was not always literary perfection is what has been called the ‘insoluble problem’ in his short story A Clean, Well-Lighted Place. The story first appeared in Scribner’s Magazine in March 1933 and was included in Hemingway’s third volume of original short stories which appeared later that year.

It concerns two waiters in a cafe ready to shut for the night and their only customer, an old man who is lingering despite the late hour, presumably because he is lonely and doesn’t want to go home. The two waiters discuss the old man: one is impatient for him to leave so he can go home and join his wife in bed; the other is more sympathetic, because, as the reader comes to understand, he shares the old man’s loneliness.

We discover that a week earlier the lonely old man had tried to hang himself, but was saved by his niece. The story’s problem — I’m obliged to write the ‘apparent’ problem in view of the differing opinions on the matter and how various commentators deal with it — stems from what appear to be inconsistencies in what the two waiters say in dialogue.

Although at first Hemingway does not identify either waiter, they are eventually referred to as ‘the young waiter’ and ‘the old waiter’; and once we know which man is which, we can track back to what each is saying about the old man.

This is where the first alleged inconsistency occurs: from what he says, one of the waiters ‘knows’ something about the old man’s suicide attempt and comments on what he ‘knows’ which, if the to and fro of conversation is conventional, he cannot have ‘known’. It should have been the other waiter who ‘knew’ the relevant detail because of what he says at other points in their conversation.

This inconsistency was apparently not noticed by anyone for 26 years until the American literary critic and poet Judson Jerome wrote to Hemingway in 1956 pointing it out, to which Hemingway responded that he had re-read the story and it made sense to him.

Three years later, two English professors, independently, each published a paper in the February 1959 edition of College English, the journal of the American National Council of English Teachers, discussing the inconsistency. Crucially, the two academics — F. P. Kroeger, who described it as an ‘insoluble problem’, and William E. Colburn, did not agree on the nature of the inconsistency. Kroeger attributes the error to ‘Hemingway, or someone [being] careless’.

Over the following few years, more academics joined in the debate and eventually Hemingway’s publishers, Scribner’s, decided to emend the text for a new version of the story. This appeared in 1965, and that was when the trouble started.

The Law (or Principle) of Parsimony (which is also known as Occam’s Razor, named after the Franciscan friar William of Occam or Ockham) would have proved useful here if all those academics had resorted to applying it: Occam’s Razor states that of all possible explanations, the simplest explanation is the most likely (though, naturally, the law/principle is not and cannot be a hard and fast rule).

Here the law would have stated that the most likely explanation was, as Kroeger suggested, that ‘Hemingway or someone’ had been careless. It could have been a typist transcribing Hemingway’s manuscript or a printer setting the story in type; in fact, evidence based on the original manuscript suggests Hemingway himself was partly at fault. It would seem he hadn’t kept track of his story and hadn’t noticed the discrepancy.

That explanation does, though, make puzzling his — somewhat ambiguous — response to Jerome that he had re-read the story and it made sense to him.

Yet the discrepancy was present. If Hemingway simply missed it, one unavoidable conclusion is that despite his persistent claims throughout his life that he re-wrote and revised his stories many times over, he wasn’t always as punctilious as he liked the world to believe. Furthermore, examination of the manuscript by one commentator indicates that he wrote A Clean, Well-Lighted Place in one sitting and revised it (probably just a day later) just once.

After Kroeger and Colburn published their thoughts in College English, many had their two ha’porth to add, especially in view of Scribner’s controversial ‘emendation’ in 1965: a few commentators did agree that Hemingway was probably at fault; but many, echoing the same theism which underpins the orthodox attitude to Hemingway, argued along the lines that ‘as one of the greatest writers of the 20th century, he knew what he was doing and this was not an error!’

Professor Otto Reinert argued that Kroeger’s ‘insoluble problem’ was not a problem at all; that although the convention when writing dialogue was usually to start a new indented line for each fictional speaker, this was only a ‘convention’ and need not necessarily be observed. Reinert suggested that Hemingway had decided to break the convention because he wanted to indicate a ‘reflective pause’ by one of the waiters when speaking.

All the apologists seemed to tie themselves in knots to ‘prove’ that Hemingway was not at fault (and had it occurred to them, they might well have added ‘so bugger William of Occam and his bloody razor!’)

. . .

Arguably, one of the most double-edged aspects to literary commentary (or commentary of any kind, for that matter) is ‘plausibility’. If an explanation or a piece of analysis is thought ‘plausible’, it seems
quietly to gain a spurious validity, and in the minds of some that very plausibility might stealthily grant it the status of ‘being true’. In fact, that an analysis or theory is ‘plausible’ means nothing more and nothing less than it is ‘plausible’. And here it would be useful to reminds ourselves of the distinction between ‘possibility’ and ‘probability’.

One notable account for the discrepancy in A Clean, Well-Lighted Place is that of Joseph F. Gabriel in the Logic of Confusion (pictured below), which appeared in College English two years after Kroeger and Colburn published, and advocates of Gabriel’s explanation might certainly claim it is ‘plausible’.

 

Gabriel argues that it was certainly not carelessness by a typist, a typesetter or even Hemingway that led to the ‘error’, and nor was it a break with the conventions of writing dialogue as Reinert suggested.

In fact, says Gabriel, there was no ‘error’ at all: Hemingway wanted the dialogue to confuse the reader in order to make an existential point, one which was, moreover, the essence of his short story. The reader’s confusion, Gabriel claimed, reflected the confusion and chaos of life which had driven an old man to attempt suicide and which one of the waiters also felt. This is how Gabriel puts it:
The dialogue is so constructed that the reader, in his attempt to impose order upon the chaos of inconsistency and ambiguity, is stripped of his dependence on the objective. In so far as the dialogue fails to conform to the norms of logic, the reader himself is, like the older waiter, plunged into the existential predicament and made to confront the absurd.
Gabriel notes that when one waiter — at this point not identified — asked the other what had led the old man to try to hang himself, the reply is
‘He was in despair’.

‘What about?’ the first asks.

‘Nothing,’ says the second.

‘How do you know it was about nothing?’ asks the first.

‘He has plenty of money,’ says the second.
Gabriel suggests that in this exchange Hemingway uses the word ‘nothing’ ambiguously: the one waiter understands it to mean the old man tried to hang himself ‘for no reason’, but the other — who Gabriel then identifies as the ‘older waiter’ — takes ‘nothing’ to signify ‘the meaningless of existence’: the old man had tried to kill himself because for him life no longer had a purpose.

Later in the story the older waiter is shown to be similarly lonely and despondent — he parodies the Lord’s Prayer, repeating the Spanish for ‘nothing’ (‘nada’) — and ‘nothing’ in the sense of ‘the meaningless of existence’ is what the story is about.

What, you might ask, does this have do to with the ‘anomaly’ in the story, Kroeger’s ‘insoluble problem’? Well, Gabriel writes, there isn’t one and the story was, in fact, ‘artfully contrived’. The alleged ‘inconsistency’ in the dialogue was intended by Hemingway and thus there is no ‘inconsistency’. He writes
Thus, in addition to the two major meanings already assigned to the word nada in the story, there is a third: nothingness is synonymous with man’s radical subjectivity, with his total freedom. Indeed, man may be defined as the being who is forced to announce the idea of finding a guarantee for his existence outside himself. It is this third meaning of nothingness which partially escapes the older waiter. He is, after all, no philosopher. And he does not fully understand what he feels. In the end he wonders whether it isn’t only insomnia from which he suffers. Nevertheless, despite the limitations in the older waiter’s understanding of his predicament, Hemingway manages with consummate skill to incorporate this third meaning of nothing into the texture of the story.
Gabriel argues that
In his attempt to make sense out of the story, the reader, too, is forced to assume contingency, is forced to deal with values and meanings which cannot be given objective justification, and is even brought finally to a recognition of his own radical subjectivity.
Gabriel’s explanation is certainly ‘plausible’, but as suggested above, that isn’t saying very much; and one wonders what William of Occam would have made of his analysis. He might agree that Hemingway’s story is about loneliness and, with increasing age, a growing despair that the loneliness will never end; but he might also agree that the story is slight one, and the profundity attributed to it — not just by Gabriel, but by many other commentators — over-eggs the pudding to an alarming extent.

Unfortunately for Gabriel and Reinert, in January 1979 Warren Bennett published his paper, The Manuscript And The Dialogue Of A Clean, Well-Lighted Place, in American Literature and takes issue with their and others’ hi-falutin’ claims. His explanation is equally ‘plausible’ and, bearing in mind the necessary distinction between ‘possibility’ and ‘probability’, arguably more ‘probable’ than some.

. . .

Since 1972, Mary Welsh, Hemingway’s widow had been donating her husband’s manuscripts to the JFK Library in Boston, and among them was the original handwritten manuscript of A Clean, Well-Lighted Place. Bennett examined it.

The manuscript (of which a page is pictured below) was written in pencil and, Bennett deduced, Hemingway made slight revisions as he was writing the story, then a little later in the day, and then a day or two later. Bennett pointed out that for several reasons one can distinguish between the original body of the text and the subsequent slight revisions: the varying thickness of the pencil (or pencils) used at

 

different times, the space between the lines on the manuscript, the size of Hemingway’s handwriting and the number of lines on the 11-page manuscript.

Comparing this manuscript and its changes to the story as originally published, Bennett concluded that a typist or a typesetter was certainly responsible for one error, but that Hemingway was responsible for the other inconsistency. Further, Bennett sanctioned the emendation made to the published text by Scribner’s in 1965 because it did resolve one of the problems, but then Bennett pulled his punches.

He tacitly acknowledged that in writing and revising the A Clean, Well-Lighted Place Hemingway — who always stressed the immense care he took in about his writing and weighing every word — had indeed been careless, but he absolved him because the matter of the ‘insoluble problem’
. . . pictures Hemingway not as the slow perfectionist, hovering over every word and detail, but an artist ‘fired up’, and writing at considerable speed in producing what must be regarded, in spite of the flaw in the dialogue, as classic Hemingway: expressing much by showing little.
With this nifty piece of footwork Bennett was able to insist there still was a God.

But his suggestion does beg a question: there’s nothing wrong with being ‘fired up’ and ‘writing at considerable speed’ — but what was stopping Hemingway, the putative slow perfectionist, taking as much time as he needed and wanted to revise the piece to ensure it was exactly as he felt it should be?

That question would, of course, rule out Gabriel’s conviction that Hemingway, in existentialist mode, was intentionally confusing the reader; and those who subscribe to Gabriel’s thesis could protest that Hemingway might certainly, as was his practice, have revised the story with his usual painstaking care, noticed the ‘inconsistency’ in the dialogue, but then realised it would add to the story’s artistic impact if he allowed it to remain, to confuse and highlight the reader’s own ‘existential dilemma’.

This is what was suggested by Ken Ryan in his paper The Contentious Emendation Of Hemingway’s A Clean, Well-Lighted Place that appeared in the September 1998 edition of The Hemingway Review. That, too, would be ‘plausible’, and it would also elucidate Hemingway’s response to Jerome that the story made sense to him. After Bennett had allowed a little daylight to illuminate the whole ‘debate’, Ryan returned to square one, his view underpinned by the theological article of faith that ‘Hemingway was a genius, he knew what he was doing [all the time] and he didn’t make mistakes’.

Equally ‘plausible’, of course, would be that Hemingway did not re-read his story as he assured Jerome, but simply brushed him off; or that he had re-read the story, but still did not notice the ‘insoluble problem’. As all too often in debate, you pays your money and you makes your choice.

The theology of evaluating Hemingway – Part I

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.


Indeed, in New York a profile by Dorothy Parker on November 30, 1929, may be said to have marked the point at which Hemingway passed beyond mere fame into living legend.
Kenneth S Lynn, in his biography Hemingway. 
I know no American writer with a more startling ear for colloquial conversation, or a more poetic sensitiveness for the woods and hills. In Our Time has perhaps not enough energy to be a great book, but Ernest Hemingway has promises of genius.
New York Herald Tribune Books review of In Our Time, February 14, 1926. 
He delivers a self-confident lecture on the high possibilities of prose writing, with the implication that he himself, Hemingway, has realized or hopes to realize these possibilities; and then writes what are certainly, from the point of view of prose, the very worst pages of his life. There is one passage which is hardly even intelligible — the most serious possible fault for a writer who is always insisting on the supreme importance of lucidity. He inveighs with much scorn against the literary life and against the professional literary man of the cities; and then manages to give the impression that he himself is a professional literary man of the most touchy and self-conscious kind.
Edmund Wilson, review of Green
Hills Of Africa in New Republic. 

As to Hemingway, I read him for the first time in the early ‘forties, something about bells, balls and bulls, and loathed it.

Vladimir Nabokov.

IT IS instructive to debate with Hemingway enthusiasts. In spirit, a great many are far more like football club supporters for whom their side can do no wrong rather than the women or men who will discuss soberly why the work of this or that poet or writer is or is not exceptional. In brief: beware zealots.

In all monotheistic theologies, of whatever faith, two immutable facts are that ‘God exists’ and that ‘God is always right and without fault’. They are, if you are a believer, the sine qua non of faith and, naturally, of every theological debate. Indeed they must be: what would be the point of basing the imperatives of a moral system on the ‘word of God’ and debating the various arcana of ‘His’ existence and ‘His’ laws if God, too, were flawed and imperfect and no better than us mortals?

Given ‘His’ unimpeachability and perfection compared to mankind’s pitiful corruptibility, it is axiomatic that if there are some aspects of God, of ‘His’ existence’, of ‘His laws’ and of ‘His word’ we do not yet comprehend, it is necessarily our fault and we must try harder to understand what ‘He’ means and is telling us.

Furthermore, to account for the apparent incomprehensibility of some aspects of ‘God’, such as the Roman Catholic doctrine of the Trinity — ‘three persons in one God’ — they are legitimised and rationalised as being ‘mysteries’, ones we pitiful, sinful folk cannot be expected to understand (although with ‘His’ grace we might do so in time).

The concept of an unimpeachable, all-powerful and all-knowing God leads to a distressing circularity when it comes to ‘proving’ or demonstrating to a non-believer ‘His’ existence: how do we know God exists? Because he tell us he does (sometimes with the elegant variation that ‘it is through His grace that we are able to believe’). How do we know we can accept that assurance? Because he is God, and because he is God, he is always right. How do we know God is always right? Because he’s perfect. Why should we accept ‘His word’ and obey ‘Him’ without question? Because he tells us we must. And why must we accept that imperative? Because he’s God. And on and on and round and round.

A similar circularity seems long to have plagued many academics, post-graduate students writing a thesis or dissertation and scholars when they discuss, examine, analyse, interpret and comment on the work of Ernest Hemingway. Indeed, there is something quasi-theological about many such analyses and exegeses. 

The, usually unwitting, circularity is — and it doesn’t matter at what point on the circle you start — ‘this story is great because it is by Ernest Hemingway’ and ‘Ernest Hemingway is one of our greatest writers because he wrote stories like this’. And because the ‘fact’ of Hemingway’s status as ‘one of our greatest writers’ is passed on from one generation to the next, academics, post-graduate students writing a thesis and scholars are apt to tie themselves in knots interpreting his work rather than concede that some of it doesn’t always cut the mustard.

The blurb on the back of my paperback edition of The Sun Also Rises proclaims that Hemingway was ‘a genius’ and that the novel is ‘a masterpiece’; and although when proclaimed by the publisher these ‘facts’ can be regarded as no more than commercial hyperbole — no publisher ever undersells one of its authors — they were certainly accepted and repeated over time.

So we might ask: exactly how were they established? And why did what became the orthodox view of Hemingway’s ‘greatness’ reach the status of not just doctrine but dogma, such that scholars will resort to spouting blank nonsense when discussing Hemingway’s work rather than consider that like everyone else Hemingway might occasionally have had feet of clay?

. . .


Within not many years of his Hemingway’s suicide in July 1961, his reputation began to be re-evaluated. Writing in the New York Times in November 1985, reviewing Peter Griffin’s and Jeffery Meyers’s new biographies of Hemingway, the writer Raymond Carver noted that
In the years since 1961 Hemingway’s reputation as ‘the outstanding author since the death of Shakespeare’ (John O’Hara’s wildly extravagant assessment in praise of Across the River and Into the Trees) shrank to the extent that many critics, as well as some fellow writers, felt obliged to go on record that they, and the literary world at large, had been bamboozled somehow: Hemingway was not nearly as good as had been originally thought. They agreed that at least one, maybe two, of the novels . . . might make it into the 21st century, along with a handful, five or six, perhaps, of his short stories. Death had finally removed the author from center stage, and deadly ‘reappraisals’ began taking place.
Carver’s claim is ambiguous: did the critics and fellow writers confess they might have been ‘bamboozled’ because they realised Hemingway’s work was not as good as they had once thought? Did they ‘go on record’ saying they, too, had been ‘bamboozled’ because they sensed the literary mood was changing and they wanted to remain part of the pack? Or had they privately never much rated Hemingway, but had been disinclined to risk their peers’ scorn by doubting the excellence of a man everyone else spoke of as ‘one of the greatest writers of the 20th century’?

Carver himself rated Hemingway and still felt that ‘with each passing year [his work becomes] more durable’. His description of the reappraisals as ‘deadly’ does, though, hint that he, too, tacitly believed Hemingway was somehow unimpeachable. He certainly did not much like Meyers’s biography and wrote sniffily that
Adulation is not a requirement for biographers, but Mr Meyers’s fairly bristles with disapproval of its subject.
Carver was also put out by Meyers’s ‘strong belief’ that
like his heroes, Twain and Kipling [Hemingway] never fully matured as a writer.
Yet that view is not uncommon among some apostates on the matter of Hemingway’s ‘greatness’ and is certainly alluded to by Vladimir Nabokov (below) in Strong Opinions, his collection of essays and interviews.
When he was asked in one interview whether he had indeed described Hemingway (and Joseph Conrad) as ‘writers of books for boys’, he agreed that he had and added that
in neither [Ernest Hemingway and Joseph Conrad] can I find anything that I would care to have written myself. In mentality and emotion, they are hopelessly juvenile . . .
A similar point about the appeal of Hemingway’s work to the adolescent in us was made as recently as July 2018 by N. J. McGarrigle in the Irish Times when he observed that
Your attitude to Hemingway depends on how early you reach him on your reading map.
Writing his biography more than 20 years after Hemingway’s death, Meyers did certainly get off his knees, which was a welcome change from the earlier, quasi-hagiographic accounts of the writer by Malcolm Cowley, Charles A. Fenton, Phillip Young, John Atkins and the younger Carlos Baker, written when the Hemingway was still alive. A similarly more sceptical account of Hemingway and his work came from Kenneth S. Lynn whose biography appeared two years later in 1987.

. . .

One difficulty in evaluating a writer’s work is that it is not — and can never be — a simple question of a scientific ‘if this, then that’, although there is certainly a tendency to do so. There are no definitive answers to the worth of any writer’s output (or even her or his ‘meaning’) as there certainly are definitive answers to the equations ‘two plus two’ and ‘sixty divided by twelve’.

Insisting on absolutes and that there are ‘correct’ and ‘incorrect’ conclusions when judging a writer is as fatuous as it would be to ‘have an opinion’ on whether or not ‘two plus two equals four’. Yet this is precisely the habit many Hemingway scholars (and no doubt scholars involved in the work of other writers) fall into.

One example of such a mechanistic approach to analysis and appreciation is from Joan Didion, the writer and journalist. In a piece about Hemingway in the New Yorker in October 1998, she quotes the first paragraph of his novel A Farewell To Arms and writes
. . . four deceptively simple sentences, one hundred and twenty-six words, the arrangement of which remains as mysterious and thrilling to me now as it did when I first read them, at twelve or thirteen . . .
She then examines those four sentences and notes
Only one of the words has three syllables. Twenty-two have two. The other hundred and three have one. Twenty-four of the words are ‘the’, fifteen are ‘and’. There are four commas. The liturgical [sic] cadence of the paragraph derives in part from the placement of the commas (their presence in the second and fourth sentences, their absence in the first and third), but also from that repetition of ‘the’ and of ‘and,’ creating a rhythm so pronounced that the omission of ‘the’ before the word ‘leaves’ in the fourth sentence (‘and we saw the troops marching along the road and the dust rising and leaves, stirred by the breeze, falling’) casts exactly what it was meant to cast, a chill, a premonition, a foreshadowing of the story to come, the awareness that the author has already shifted his attention from late summer to a darker season. The power of the paragraph, offering as it does the illusion but not the fact of specificity, derives precisely from this kind of deliberate omission, from the tension of withheld information. In the late summer of what year? What river, what mountain, what troops?
Where Didion becomes ridiculous is when she attempts to pin down what moved her in the paragraph by listing the particular number and arrangement of syllables, sentences and commas and how often the words ‘the’ and ‘and’ are used. Her approach reminds one of William Wordsworth’s observation in The Tables Turned that
Our meddling intellect / Mis-shapes the beauteous forms 
of things / We murder to dissect.
Quite apart from how effective or not a well-placed comma is (and it most certainly can be — punctuation is a very useful literary tool and can subtly change how a sentence is read and can be understood), each and every reaction to that paragraph will be unique and, more to the point, subjective. 

Didion says she was ‘thrilled’ by it, though she was a young girl and not yet a woman: another reader might agree that first paragraph is lyrical and even moving, but might not be as ‘thrilled’ as Didion, despite being confronted with the same number and arrangement of syllables, sentences and commas. Another reader might enjoy it but not find it in any sense outstanding or remarkable. So who is ‘right’ and who is ‘wrong’?

The real difficulty with a great deal of literary interpretation, not just when dealing with Hemingway, is that although we might ostensibly agree that ‘each reaction is subjective’ and that, strictly, there can be no ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ interpretation, all too often we tell ourselves that so-and-so is an academic and a scholar and thus a ‘professional’ in these matters and her or his opinion ‘carries more weight’. From there it becomes quite easy to come to regard the opinions of the ‘professionals’ as ‘objective’ and definitive.

Yet such judgments, whoever makes them, are as much a matter of opinion — and fashion — as whether United are a better soccer side than City. Carver obliquely acknowledged the role of literary fashion in his New York Times review when he noted that as Hemingway’s reputation shrank, it was
not entirely coincidental, either, that soon after his death a particular kind of writing began to appear in [the US], writing that stressed the irrational and fabulous, the antirealist against the realist tradition. In this context it might be worthwhile to remind ourselves what Hemingway believed good writing should do. He felt fiction must be based on actual experience.
Carver makes a fair point about what might have been a sequence of cause and effect, although an underlying assumption seems to be that the new ‘antirealist’ kind of writing was somehow inferior to what Hemingway was doing in fiction. In fact, Hemingway had a distressingly narrow — and arguably even simplistic — notion of fiction and its purpose, and ever ‘the expert’, even condemned contemporary writers who did not follow his dicta on what was ‘good writing’.

. . .

When we trace Hemingway’s rise from the ambitious and unknown young writer of the early 1920s to ‘Papa’, the grand old man of literature honoured with the Nobel Prize for Literature and apparently revered by all, it is now accepted that as his public celebrity grew from the 1930s on, his standing in literary circles slowly declined. Even Hemingway acknowledged that the Nobel Prize for Literature was tacitly awarded for a writer’s past achievements and to make sure an ageing writer was honoured before he died, and this irritated him.

By 1954, when he was made a Nobel Laureate, Hemingway’s name certainly no longer had the same cachet among the critics as it had done in the very early years of his writing career in the late 1920s. On the other hand by 1954 academic interest in Hemingway and his work was growing remarkably, sparked
ten years earlier by Malcolm Cowley (right) in his introduction to The Portable Hemingway in which he suggested there was far more ‘meaning’ beneath Hemingway’s apparently simple stories than so far assumed and that Hemingway should be considered far more as ‘an artist’.

Cowley had known Hemingway in Paris in the early 1920s, although more as an acquaintance than as a friend. Hemingway mocked him in his story The Snows Of Kilimanjaro, though Cowley never knew it was he who was being mocked because Hemingway removed his name from the story and Cowley was not publicly identified as the ‘potato-faced poet’ the story’s protagonist Harry (for whom read Hemingway) remembers from his days in Paris.

In fact, Cowley had once asked a mutual acquaintance whether it had been Ezra Pound Hemingway had mocked. The acquaintance knew the truth and told him that, no he didn’t think so — but did not enlighten him further. Cowley was and remained a staunch Hemingway champion, and following up the claims he made in his introduction to The Portable Hemingway, his feature for Life magazine in January 1949 entitled A Portrait Of Mister ‘Papa’ did a great deal to boost the writer’s public profile. Yet ironically, as John Raeburn notes in Fame Became Him,
the mass media which lionized [Hemingway] and were ultimately responsible for his reputation as THE American writer had a keener interest in his personality. They purveyed Hemingway the sportsman, Hemingway the bon vivant, and all the other public Hemingways: the master of modern prose was of secondary interest.
Feature articles such as Cowley’s in Life were a case in point. Raeburn adds that
[Hemingway’s] distrust of critics, his long-standing suspicion – to become a conviction – that they were out to get him, is consistent with his seeking a public esteem independent of the literary establishment. This general audience would not be so susceptible as the intellectuals to critical opinion, and thus it could insulate the writer’s reputation from critical disfavour. His stature as a champion would be confirmed not by a few critics by a large heterogeneous audience which felt a personal loyalty to him.
As Raeburn and other biographers make clear, ‘becoming famous’ was one of Hemingway’s prime aims from a young age. Raeburn notes that in the last decade of Hemingway’s life he wrote for and was regularly profiled in middle-brow picture-spread magazines such as True and Look, for sale at supermarket checkout tills, whose reader might have regarded him as ‘one of our greatest writers’ — because that was what they were told he was — but that many would not have read a word of his fiction.

(He did occasionally feature in literary magazines such as the ‘interview’ with him in the 1958 spring issue of The Paris Review. The ‘interview’, in fact, consisted of Hemingway supplying written answers to questions the Review’s George Plimpton had sent him, despite in print being made to appear as a bona-fide interview.)

. . .

The when, how and why Hemingway came to be accepted by many as ‘a genius’ and by others as ‘one of our greatest writers’ took place over many years, and it is impossible to establish when the tipping point occurred. His own insistence, even when unknown, to anyone of any consequence that he was ‘a great writer’ will have helped.

As a forceful and at times bombastic man, he also managed to persuade the world that he was a great hunter and fisherman, an excellent sportsman and boxer — he claimed to have fought professionally — a successful racing tipster, an authority on writing, fine wines, fine dining and travelling, an expert on warfare and military strategy and much else. These ‘facts’ were established by being repeated in magazine profiles and were accepted wholesale by the public.

The word ‘genius’ in connection with Hemingway was used early on as his career was taking off, in a New York Herald Tribune review of In Our Time in February 1926, although the paper was, in fact, simply praising his potential. It wrote that the collection of short stories did not perhaps have
enough energy to be a great book, but [that] Ernest Hemingway [had] promises of genius.
As with the publisher’s blurb on the back of my paperback, this could be marked down as over-exuberant hyperbole, but it does indicate the extraordinary impression In Our Time and its markedly different style and content made when the collection was published. Thirty-seven years later, the biographer and critic Maxwell Geismar wrote in the New York Times that
A re-reading of his first collection of stories, In Our Time, . . . makes it easy to understand the impact upon the post-World War I period of a new style and a singular vision of contemporary experience.
Eight months later came the — for the times quite shocking — novel The Sun Also Rises, and although one or two critics confessed that after the promise of Hemingway’s debut volume of short stories they had expected more of his first novel, the majority view was that it and its author were quite remarkable. It’s initial modest 6,000-odd print run sold out quickly, and it was printed six times in its first year.

His star rose further with the publication of Men Without Women, his second volume of short stories, in 1927 and his second novel, A Farewell To Arms, in 1929, and both seemed to confirm to the literary world that among writers Hemingway was special. Biographer Kenneth Lynn notes
Superlatively favourable reviews in American channels by Malcolm Cowley, Clifton Fadiman, Henry Seidel and T S Matthews among many others plus equally enthusiastic comments in England by Arnold Bennett, JB Priestley and the anonymous reviewers for the Times literary supplement help to create a demand for [A Farewell To Arms] and to spread the author’s fame more widely than ever before. Indeed, in New York a profile by Dorothy Parker on November 30, 1929, may be said to have marked the point at which Hemingway passed beyond mere fame into living legend.
In hindsight it was at this point — late 1929 — that among his peers, the critics and intellectuals, Hemingway was at the zenith of his career.

Yet until he published For Whom The Bells Tolls eleven years, later his literary reputation went into a continuing decline. Winner Take Nothing, his third and final volume of original short stories, which appeared in 1933 was not as highly regarded as his earlier fiction, and in the New York Times, its reviewer John Chamberlain noted that
[Hemingway] has lost something of the old urgency which impelled him to tell the world about it in good prose.
Almost 40 years later Matthew Brucolli reiterated the point that the decline — though a gradual one — had started early. In Scott and Ernest: The Authority Of Failure And the Authority of Success he writes that
Hemingway did not progress from strength to strength. His best work was done before he was thirty, and he produced only one major novel — For Whom the Bell Tolls — after 1929. Nonetheless, he spoke with the confidence of success. Everything he did, everything he wrote, became important because he was Ernest Hemingway.
More seriously for his literary standing, in 1932, a year before Winner Take Nothing appeared, Hemingway had published Death In The Afternoon, his rambling guide to bullfighting, Spain and his thoughts on writing. It was nominally treated as ‘important’ because it was by Ernest Hemingway, but was not what the critics nor the reading public expected or wanted.

Maxwell Perkins, Hemingway’s editor at Scribner’s remained loyal and supported him, but he had been urging Hemingway to produce more fiction and was not overjoyed that Hemingway had insisted on publishing the book. As for the famed style, the critics wondered what had happened to the writer whose prose had just a few years earlier been celebrated as
fibrous and athletic, colloquial and fresh, hard and clean.
In the New York Times, R. L. Duffus observed that in Death In The Afternoon
Mr Hemingway is guilty of the grievous sin of writing sentences which have to be read two or three times before the meaning is clear. He enters, indeed, into a stylistic phase which corresponds, for his method, to the later stages of Henry James. The fact that a sentence is usually good Anglo-Saxon, with anything but a shrinking from calling a spade a spade, does not make it a clear sentence if one cannot easily distinguish the subordinate verbs from the principal one.
The Honolulu Star-Bulletin was equally unimpressed by the writing and told it’s readers that
In his enthusiasm for the art of tauromachy, Mr Hemingway has departed, sadly, in places from his usually clear and forceful style. His earnestness in trying to put over his idea apparently has caused him to neglect pruning. The result is a surprising loss of conciseness, and occasionally a deplorably cluttered syntax.
In a review for New Republic entitled Bull In The Afternoon (and one which enraged Hemingway), Max Eastman wrote
Why then does our iron advocate of straight talk about what things are, our full-sized man, our ferocious realist, go blind and wrap himself up in clouds of juvenile romanticism the moment he crosses the border on his way to a Spanish bullfight?
Eastman’s review also compared the literary style of the ‘school of fiction-writers’ Hemingway had founded to
wearing false hair on the chest
and this jibe led several years later to a minor fight in Maxwell Perkins’s Scribner’s office. Dropping in unexpectedly, Hemingway encountered Eastman (below) for the first time since the review was published and ripped open his shirt to prove he did have hair on his chest. It was all very good-natured until
Hemingway’s mood changed and he slapped Eastman’s face with the book in which the review had appeared.

The two men then briefly wrestled on the floor. Eastman claimed he had thrown Hemingway over Perkins’s desk. Hemingway denied this had happened and said Eastman had meekly taken his insults. Perkins and Scribner’s remained diplomatic on the matter, merely commenting that it had been ‘a personal matter between the two gentlemen in question’.

Hemingway did not redeem himself from the blow to his reputation with Death In The Afternoon and Winner Take Nothing when, three years later in 1935, he published Green Hills Of Africa. It was an account of his safari in East Africa interlarded with his thoughts on writers and writing, and it was met with disbelief and some dismay. Although in the New York Times Charles Poore began positively enough and declared that
In Green Hills Of Africa [Hemingway’s] writing is better than ever, fuller, richer, deeper and only looking for something that can use its full power
he noted how longwinded Hemingway had become (although he didn’t use the word) and complained that
Some of his sentences in Green Hills of Africa would make Henry James take a breath. There’s one that starts on page 148, swings the length of 149 and lands on 150, forty lines or so from tip to tip.
Where overall Poore was enthusiastic, a colleague on the New York Times was less so. John Chamberlain was gently satirical and wrote
Sometimes dispensing with grammar, Mr Hemingway decimates the fauna of Kenya, Tanganyika, Northern Rhodesia and the Belgian Congo along with Emerson, Hawthorne, Whittier and Thoreau. The carnage is frightful. ‘Ping’ goes the bullet from Mr Hemingway’s rifle and another black-maned lion bites the dust. ‘Zingo’ goes an epigram from Mr Hemingway’s mouth and the reputation of Thomas Wolfe curls up and dies.
Other critics were less polite. In New Masses, Granville Hicks declared that
Green Hills of Africa is . . . the dullest book I have read since Anthony Adverse [an historical novel by Hervey Allen published in the same year]. There are perhaps ten pages that are interesting, and of these I shall speak later on. The rest of the book is just plain dull.
In the Saturday Review of Literature, Bernard de Voto lambasted Hemingway’s writing and complained that
The prize sentence in the book runs forty-six lines. The one I should like to quote as typical . . . though less than half that long is still too long, and a comparatively straightforward one must serve. ‘Going downhill steeply made these Spanish shooting boots short in the toe and there was an old argument, about this length of boot and whether the boot-maker, whose part I had taken, unwittingly, first, only as interpreter, and finally embraced his theory patriotically as a whole and, I believed, by logic, had overcome it by adding onto the heel.’ This is simpler than most, but it shows the new phase.
Distinctly unimpressed, de Voto described the style of the book as
a kind of etymological gas that is just bad writing.
Edmund Wilson, an early and staunch champion of Hemingway and his work when the writer was still unknown, was decidedly brutal. In New Republic he wrote that
[Hemingway] delivers a self-confident lecture on the high possibilities of prose writing, with the implication that he himself, Hemingway, has realized or hopes to realize these possibilities; and then writes what are certainly, from the point of view of prose, the very worst pages of his life. There is one passage which is hardly even intelligible — the most serious possible fault for a writer who is always insisting on the supreme importance of lucidity.
He adds
[Hemingway] inveighs with much scorn against the literary life and against the professional literary man of the cities; and then manages to give the impression that he himself is a professional literary man of the most touchy and self-conscious kind.
Revisiting the book four years later, again in New Republic, Wilson was even less charitable, declaring that Hemingway
has produced what must be one of the only books ever written which makes Africa and it’s animals seem dull. Almost the only thing we learned about the animals is that Hemingway wants to kill them. And as for the natives . . . the principal impression we get of them is that they were simple and inferior people who enormously admired Hemingway.
The critics were also baffled that Hemingway seemed to assume American readers — now in the depths of the Great Depression — would be interested in an exhaustive guide to bullfighting and its lore, and an account of a seemingly rich man’s safari in East Africa.

The trip had, in fact, been financed by Hemingway’s second wife Pauline’s very wealthy Uncle Gus, but that was not common knowledge among the US public of whom millions were by then unemployed and hundreds and thousands were queuing outside soup kitchens and living on the breadline. None of these and other critics would, in the mid-1930s, have agreed that Hemingway was — or was likely to be acclaimed as — ‘one of the greatest writers of the 20th century’.