Introduction

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

 


At best, much of his life was only of passing notoriety — or so one would have thought — and yet the legend lives on, as tenacious as ever. How to account for it?

 John Banville, The Nation, Oct 2017. 

More than any other writer Hemingway influenced what Amercian writers were able to write about and the words they use.
Matthew J. Bruccoli, Hemingway And The Mechanism Of Fame. 
A more weird combination of quivering sensitiveness and preoccupation with violence never walked the earth.
Greg Clark, features editor of the Toronto Star
.

Tough talk is only talk, a product of Hemingway’s imagined version of himself, the man he wanted to be. He went to many wars, but was never a soldier; saw so many bullfights, but never killed a single bull. If he ever fathered an illegitimate child, neither mother nor child has ever pressed claims.
Michael Reynolds, Hemingway: The Homecoming.

Yet Hemingway did not progress from strength to strength. His best work was done before he was thirty, and he produced only one major novel — For Whom the Bell Tolls — after 1929. Nonetheless, he spoke with the confidence of success. Everything he did, everything he wrote, became important because he was Ernest Hemingway.
Matthew J. Brucolli, in Scott and Ernest:

The Authority of Failure and the Authority of Success.

Early in his career, Hemingway began revising and editing what would become his longest and most well-known work: the legend of his own life, where there was never a clear line between fiction and reality.
Michael Reynolds, Hemingway: The Paris Years,.

Your attitude to Hemingway depends on how early you reach him on your reading map. It’s difficult for your feelings to stay unsoiled by the bumptious parody of the personality.
N.J. McGarrigle, the Irish Times.

No one was more conscious than Ernest of the figure and image he possessed in the minds of the American press and reading public. He felt (I am sure) that this was an important matter to him in terms of dollars and cents in book sales or fees for articles. He deliberately set out to keep the legend and image alive in the form he wanted it.
Mario Menocal Jr, the son of one of Hemingway’s
 Cuban friends.

Hemingway had come from nowhere to nascent prominence in a period defined not only by the sort of American journalism that Time [magazine] advocated, but also by the final stage of the conversion of ‘readers’ into ‘markets’. Like cosmetics, automobiles or motion pictures publishing was an industry whose future depended on turning out a product for mass audience. The author was part of the product, the more promotable the better.
Leonard J Leff, Hemingway And His Conspirators.


After 1930, he just didn’t have it any more. His legs began to go and his syntax became boring and the critics began to ask why he didn’t put in a few subordinate clauses just to make it look good. But the bar-tenders still liked him and the tourists liked him too. He got more and more famous and the big picture magazines photographed him shooting a lion and catching a tuna and interviewing a Spanish Republican militiaman and fraternising with bullfighters and helping liberate Paris and always smiling bushily and his stuff got worse and worse. Mr Hemingway the writer was running out of gas, but no one noticed it because Mr Hemingway the celebrity was such good copy.
Dwight Macdonald, Encounter.

ASKING ‘How did a middling writer achieve such global literary fame?’ might be provocatively contentious, and many might violently disagree and insist Ernest Hemingway was far more than ‘a middling writer’, that he was a ‘great writer’. But the question does neatly sum up what follows in these pages as it attempts to investigate what, for me at least, is ‘truly’ an enigma.

In today’s age when becoming and being a ‘celebrity’ in whatever field, though usually in showbiz and television, is a legitimate ‘career path’, those under 30 might find it difficult to accept that in his time Hemingway’s fame was exceptional. Yes, there had been celebrities throughout the ages: the violinist Paganini, who was said (probably by an astute concert promoter) to have sold his soul to the Devil, was one; national and military heroes such as Garibaldi and Wellington were celebrities as were sporting heroes such as W G Grace.

The poet Lord Byron became a celebrity, although he was ‘celebrated’ as much for the scandal he created as his poetry. Later, after World War I (or the Great War as it was then known) when substantial cultural and social changes were underway, stars of the silver screen such as Charlie Chaplin, Clara Bow and Mary Pickford, aviators such as Charles Lindburgh and sportsmen such as ‘Babe’ Ruth also became celebrities. But poets and novelists did not.

Certainly, every year, to boost sales, publishers would trumpet their latest bestselling writer, and his or her name is then on everyone’s lips for a year or two, but their fame is restricted to those who read books. Hemingway was an exception to that routine: many other writers sold well, often better than he did when he burst on to the scene — Sinclair Lewis, F Scott Fitzgerald, Zane Grey, Booth Tarkington, John Galsworthy, Warwick Deeping, Anne Douglas Sedgwick, Thornton Wilder, Hugh Walpole, John Erskine, Kathleen Norris — all regularly made the bestsellers’ list. Yet none became ‘a personality’ and a fixture in the news and gossip pages as Hemingway did. 

His fame and name-recognition were unusual simply because quite soon they transcended books and ‘literature’. From the late 1920s until after his death in 1961, men and women who would have been hard-pressed to name just one novelist or poet, had most certainly heard of Ernest Hemingway. And that was not just in the English-speaking world. Hemingway’s fame became truly global, and eventually pictures of the grizzled and bearded veteran ‘Papa’ Hemingway he became were recognisable the world over.

. . .

Broadly speaking, Hemingway’s career and his first steps to becoming that famous figure worldwide began in the mid-1920s with the publication of his novel The Sun Also Rises. After that, it was more or less just a question of, metaphorically, staying ‘in the headlines’, a strategy he followed enthusiastically despite his persistent pious claims that he had no interest in fame whatsoever and only wanted to write. This was, though, just a convenient fiction he employed to bolster his status as ‘a serious artist’. As Matthew J. Bruccoli observes in his introduction to Conversations With Ernest Hemingway
‘His fame was not accidentally acquired. Hemingway’s greatest character was Ernest Hemingway. From boyhood he assiduously fictionalised himself. He was a dedicated careerist who skillfully nurtured an heroic public image until the vainglorious role took over the man and it became necessary for him to live up to it. The public Papa and the private writer were eventually undifferentiable.
Hemingway had set his heart on becoming a writer in his late teens, much like many others in their late teens. Initially the stories he wrote were conventional and derivative, and none of them was accepted by the magazines to whom they were submitted. Then in 1922, now married to a woman almost eight years older and newly settled in Paris, he came under the influence of the writer and poet Ezra Pound and the art collector, some-time writer and self-declared genius Gertrude Stein. Both counted themselves firmly as ‘modernists’ and took Hemingway in hand to help shape his writing in keeping with their principles.

Hemingway became well-known in the close-knit English-speaking artistic ex-patriate community which had based itself in the Montparnasse district, and he evolved into an assiduous networker. Word of the young writer with a new and unusual style got back to the commercial publishers in New York, and one, Boni & Liveright, after initially rejecting the work, was persuaded to publish a collection of his short stories. That collection, In Our Time — confusingly he had already published in a limited edition a slim volume of very short stories in Paris which he also called ‘in our time’ (a title distinguished only by all being in lower case) — received remarkable reviews and boosted his profile, but it did not sell well.

There then followed a distinctly murky to-do — which even involved Hemingway dashing off a short novel in just ten days — in which he managed to engineer escaping his contract with Boni & Liveright and signing with the more prestigious Charles Scribner’s Sons (usually referred to as Scribner’s) with whom he remained for the rest of his life.

. . .

At Scribner’s Hemingway was taken under the wing of Maxwell Perkins, who had previously discovered and championed F Scott Fitzgerald. At 32, Perkins was one of the house’s young Turks who argued that Scribner’s, widely regarded as a tad fusty and fuddy-duddy, needed authors such as Fitzgerald and Hemingway if it hoped to attract younger readers. Perkins had originally joined Scribner’s in its advertising department, and he was firmly in tune with the era’s new marketing and advertising techniques. Knowing of Hemingway’s fondness for hunting, fishing and bullfighting, he decided to market his new young author as a different kind of writer, an outdoor action man and the antithesis of the sensitive soul buried away in his garret room. His strategy worked. In her account Everybody Behaves Badly: The True Story Behind Hemingway’s Masterpiece The Sun Also Rises, Lesley M M Blume records that
It quickly became apparent that the public’s appetite for Hemingway [the man] was as great as that for his writing. Here was a new breed of writer — brainy yet brawny, a far cry from Proust and his dusty, sequestered ilk, or even the dandyish Fitzgerald.
Most of the reviews of The Sun Also Rises were positive and full of praise. A few were dismissive, but that did not matter. Initial sales were not extravagant, but they were brisk and steady, and though the novel and its pre-marital sex and excessive drinking had thoroughly shocked older, respectable America, it delighted young America. In the early years of the 1920s younger Americans had taken their cue from F Scott Fitzgerald’s ‘jazz age’ — portrayed in is debut novel, This Side Of Paradise, published in 1920, and especially in The Beautiful And The Damned in 1922 — and they had become ‘sheiks’ and ‘flappers’ and given themselves over to illicit booze and hedonism.

Now, a few years on and ever keen for novelty, they had a new kind of hero and a heroine to emulate: hard-bitten, cynical, immoral and hard-drinking. Biographer Carlos Baker reports that Hemingway’s Paris acquaintance and later champion Malcolm Cowley (who was living in the US again when The Sun Also Rises was published)
discovered that winter that Hemingway’s ‘influence’ was spreading far beyond the circle of those who had known him in Paris. Girls from Smith College, coming to New York, ‘were modelling themselves after Lady Brett . . . Hundreds of bright young men from the Middle West were trying to be Hemingway heroes, talking in tough understatements from the one the side of their mouths’.
Hemingway had finally arrived, but it was not just because of his new style and shocking stories.

. . .

In many ways Hemingway, with his personality and his often ruthless ambition, was the right man for the right time. In Hemingway And His Conspirators, Leonard J Leff sums it up well:
Hemingway had come from nowhere to nascent prominence in a period defined not only by the sort of American journalism that Time [magazine] advocated, but also by the final stage of the conversion of ‘readers’ into ‘markets’. Like cosmetics, automobiles or motion pictures publishing was an industry whose future depended on turning out a product for mass audience. The author was part of the product, the more promotable the better.
As Maxwell Perkins had realised, Hemingway was certainly ‘promotable’. And Hemingway knew it, too. Though he ostensibly and ostentatiously eschewed the publicity game and proclaimed he wasn’t interested in fame, how he reacted when he was finally able to step into the limelight told a different story. Still based in Paris, he took a keen interest in sales figures, supplying Perkins on request with pictures of himself and biographical details, and subscribed to not one but two New York cuttings agencies to be kept informed whenever his name appeared in the paper. As Leonard Leff puts it
Again and again Hemingway professed that he hated the traffic in photographs, Book of the Month club editions, and stage or movie adaptations that could bring an author fame and fortune; he wrote, in other words, ‘for the relief of [his] own mind and without thought of publication’. Certainly he wanted an audience to hear what he had to say about valour or love or the anatomy of fiction. And certainly he needed money to sustain the grand life he had after 1929. Beyond that, however, he radiated personality and cultivated publicity even as he pretended to scorn it. In his first letter to Perkins he mentioned — not wholly facetiously — that it would be ‘worthwhile to get into Who’s Who’. In short he wanted fame in both the Renaissance and the contemporary sense.
. . .

Greg Clark, the Toronto Star features editor who had remarked on the contradiction he had noticed in Hemingway between a
quivering sensitiveness and preoccupation with violence
first met Hemingway in early 1920 when he had arrived in Canada to mentor the disabled son of a wealthy man and badgered the Star for work. Their acquaintance was renewed three years later when — from the beginning of October 1923 until the end of December — Hemingway was on the Star staff in Toronto.

That odd juxtaposition of sensitivity and an interest in violence was not the only fundamental contradiction in Hemingway’s personality. His apparent distain for fame on the one hand and his assiduous pursuit of it was another, as was his practice of telling extraordinary lies about himself and his experiences while insisting that ‘a writer’s job is to tell the truth’. In the preface he wrote for Men At War, a 1942 collection of writings on war, Hemingway pontificated that
a writer’s . . . standard of fidelity to the truth should be so high that his invention, out of his experience, should produce a truer account than anything factual can be. For facts can be observed badly; but when a good writer is creating something, he has time and scope to make it of an absolute truth.
Leave aside that Hemingway’s dictum veers somewhat uncomfortably into pseudo metaphysics, it might be argued in his defence that the ‘truth’ he is talking about is not day-to-day, common or garden ‘truth’, but ‘artistic truth’, a concept that will be vague enough to satisfy some. Yet one cannot but ask why a man who claimed he valued ‘truth’ above all else told increasingly bigger and more incredible lies about himself, his achievements and his experiences (which all, crucially, contributed to forming the persona he wanted to construct for himself).

I shall be recounting many on other pages, but what is important is to ask: why did he do it? Why did he construct — and largely succeed in constructing — a fictional version of himself? For undoubtedly in achieving his eventual global fame the work he produced — to be frank there was not an awful lot given the status he achieved in the literary world and compared to what his peers were producing — was secondary to the image he manufactured. In Hemingway: The Homecoming Michael Reynolds reminds us that
Some in Paris thought that [Hemingway] earned side-money giving boxing lessons; others were sure he was buried four days at the front before being rescued. Several were certain he ran away from home early, spending his teen years on the road. Tough talk is only talk, a product of Hemingway’s imagined version of himself, the man he wanted to be. He went to many wars, but was never a soldier; saw so many bullfights, but never killed a single bull. If he ever fathered an illegitimate child, neither mother nor child has ever pressed claims.
The point to remember is that most, if not all these claims, originated with Hemingway.

. . .

After The Sun Also Rises was published in 1926, Hemingway published another collection of short stories, Men Without Women, the following year, and his second novel, A Farewell To Arms in 1929. By then he had divorced his first wife, Hadley Richardson and married his second, Pauline Pfeiffer. Both the stories and the novel sold well, and consolidated his fame, especially when A Farewell To Arms was filmed with Gary Cooper in the title role. Then, however, Hemingway’s career began to stutter.

To his editor Maxwell Perkins’s consternation, Hemingway insisted that his next book would be non-fiction, and he published Death In The Afternoon, his book on bullfighting and writing, in 1932. It was followed a year later by his third (and final collection) of original short stories, Winner Take Nothing, which did not find a great deal of favour. The New York Times review stated that Hemingway had
lost something of the old urgency which impelled him to tell the world about it in good prose.
Sales were disappointing. Then, in 1935, came a second book of non-fiction, Green Hills Of Africa, an account of going on safari in East Africa. Neither the bullfighting book nor the safari book sold well and the critics, who had expected so much from the bright new talent of the late 1920s, were at best bemused. Writing a few years after Green Hills Of Africa appeared, Edmund Wilson, a one-time Hemingway champion, was scathing. He wrote
[Hemingway] has produced what must be one of the only books ever written which make Africa and it’s animals seem dull. Almost the only thing we learned about the animals is that Hemingway wants to kill them. And as for the natives . . . The principal impression we get of them is that they were simple and inferior people who enormously admired Hemingway.’
In a piece for the New York Times in July, 1999, biographer Michael Reynolds noted that
The American reading public, in the midst of the Depression, was unenthusiastic about Hemingway’s non-fiction — Death In The Afternoon and Green Hills Of Africa did not sell well, barely making back the money Hemingway had received as an advance. Both books seemed a bit precious: who could afford to go to Spain for the bull fights or to Africa for a ‘spot’ of lion hunting?
It did not get better.

Hemingway was not only under pressure from Scribner’s to submit more fiction after publishing two duds, but the literary left were now castigating him for not addressing social issues in his work in the depth of the Great Depression. His response, in 1937, was To Have And Have Not, although it was not quite the original work Scribner’s were hoping for. Hemingway had cobbled it together from two previously published short stories and written a third which he tacked on. Yet again the critics were unimpressed. The New York Times chief book reviewer, J Donald Adams, remarked
[Hemingway] has moved steadily toward mastery of his technique, though that is by no means the perfect instrument it has been praised for being. Technique, however, is not enough to make a great writer, and that is what we have been asked to believe Mr. Hemingway was in process of becoming. The indications of such a growth are absent from this book, as they have been absent from everything Mr. Hemingway has written since A Farewell to Arms. There is evidence of no mental growth whatever; there is no better understanding of life, no increase in his power to illuminate it or even to present it. Essentially, this new novel is an empty book.
Ironically, when most people hear the title To Have And Have Not they will recall the film of that name, nominally ‘the film of the book’, although the film and the novel have very little in common. The film, released in 1944 starring Humphrey Bogart and Lauren Bacall, became a classic, the novel did not.

. . .

By 1937 what would today be called ‘the Hemingway brand’ was sustained by his fame as a ‘well-known’ personality. It was certainly not sustained by a, by then increasingly threadbare, literary reputation — but then came For Whom The Bells Toll, and it all started looking up. The novel not only made him a great deal of money, not least because a year or two later it was filmed with Gary Cooper and Ingrid Bergman in main roles, but did win back some, though not all of the critics. Hemingway was riding high again.

By then, though ‘Hemingway the personality’ rather than ‘Hemingway the writer’ was the man in the public eye. He featured more and more in the photo-spreads of middle-market magazines, he was profiled extensively in pieces which were able to recycle all the old, usually fictional, anecdotes about him. Hemingway became famous as a war hero, a bon vivant, a superb fisherman, a champion hunter, a womaniser, a hard man not averse to using his fists.

What was less celebrated and often not even mentioned was his writing. Yet for those who read about Hemingway in their magazine of choice — but had not read necessarily read any of his work — the simple equation became that if he was good at all these tough-guy manly things, he must also be a great writer.

Rather to prove the point that Hemingway’s literary reputation was now sustained by his celebrity status more than respect for his work was the reaction to his fourth novel, Across The River And Into The Trees which appeared in 1950. It was a barely fictionalised fantasy about an affair between a 51-year-0ld former soldier — who closely resembled the 51-year-old author — and a 19-year-old beautiful Venetian aristocrat — who closely resembled a 19-year-old Italian woman the author had fallen for. It sold exceptionally well and topped the New York Times bestsellers’ list for seven weeks. On the other hand the critics, upon whose judgment — for better or worse — Hemingway’s literary reputation depended — ridiculed the novel. His former confidant, the novelist John Dos Passos, even wondered in a letter to friend
How can a man in his senses leave such bullshit on the page?
He could and he had, and his literary standing slumped even further, but it did not in the slightest affect his public standing: Hemingway was still one of America’s favourite celebrities: his latest novel was first serialised by Cosmopolitan and spent seven weeks in the US best-sellers list when it was published. Hemingway stood out because unlike the nation’s other favourite celebrities, he was not a film star or a sportsman or a politician — he was ‘a writer’!

For some critics, Hemingway’s novella, The Old Man And The Sea, the last piece of original fiction he published in his lifetime, went some way toward redeeming the literary reputation he seemed to have squandered, but not for all. Some critics, perhaps tactlessly, pronounced that he was parodying himself. Then came the Nobel Prize for Literature.

Ironically, Hemingway was both pleased and a little upset by being awarded the prize. He was pleased because it underlined his fame as ‘one of the world’s greatest writers’. He was a little upset because he suspected the prize was only being awarded because the Nobel committee felt it had better do so before he died: two years earlier he had almost been killed when he was involved in two plane crashes while on his second East African safari. Yet for the magazine-reading public, if not for the critics, getting the Nobel Prize was further proof that ‘Hemingway was a great writer, if not the greatest living writer’.

If his celebrity status rose ever higher as his literary reputation declined, over the next seven years it rose still higher still as his physical and mental health declined. A lifetime of heavy drinking, a series of head injuries sustained over the years and what some think was a bi-polar condition saw him suffer deep bouts of the depressions he had suffered all his life took their toll. Early on Sunday morning, July 2, 1961, just three weeks before his 62nd birthday, he stuck a shotgun in his mouth and blew his head off.

At first and for several years, his widow Mary — his fourth wife — insisted the death had not been suicide but a tragic accident sustained as Hemingway was cleaning the shotgun. Finally, she did admit that he had indeed killed himself, but by then the public had long known it was a suicide. Their reaction was one of the final ironies of Hemingway’s life: they were disappointed that their ‘celebrity’, the man who had so long portrayed himself as strong enough to take whatever life threw at him and who had advocated stoicism, nobility and ‘grace in pressure’ had taken what he himself had always regarded as ‘the coward’s way out’.

. . .

Whether you belong to those who insist Hemingway was ‘a great writer’, possibly ‘one of America’s greatest writers’, and ‘a leading modernist’ or whether like me you suspect he was a man of narrow talent who achieved prominence — at first literary, then general — through an unusual combination of his various other gifts, an often unscrupulous ambition, the era he lived in and the many changes it saw, is neither here nor there.

At the end of the day such judgments are subjective, because they cannot be objective. You, for example, might believe that The Sun Also Rises is a ‘masterpiece’, though I suspect it is nothing of the kind. Irrespective of how ‘different’ it was when it was first published in 1926 and how ‘modern’ it then seemed, with rather clearer eyes it seems to me to be essentially just a sad, romantic potboiler with a great deal less significance and profound meaning than is still attributed to it as a matter of course.

There is also rather a lot of padding — why the descriptions of walking through Paris, meals taken and bus rides into the mountains, why the very detailed description of bullfights? Just how did they add to whatever theme Hemingway intended the work to have? Padding? a scholar might sniff, nonsense! At the end of the day, neither or us is ‘right’ or ‘wrong’.

True to form, however, academia will always have a plausible explanation. Hemingway’s eventual ‘official’ biographer, Carlos Baker, tries to persuade us in his book Hemingway: The Writer As Artist that ‘a sense of place’ (as well as ‘a sense of fact’ and a ‘sense of scene’) were important to him. That begs the question: for which writer, whether highbrow, lowbrow or somewhere in between, are they not important?

Baker does his best thereby to convince his reader that there is more to The Sun Also Rises than meets the eye and, for example, insists many of his short stories are ‘built with a different kind of precision — that of the poet-symbolist’; but for his view to be accepted, he must rely heavily on it being taken on trust by his readers (rather as we must take on trust that ‘God loves us’ as devout Christians insist when some misfortune or other inclines us more to believe that nothing or no one ‘loves us’ at all).

It is fair to ask: why, for example, did Hemingway, according to Baker, employ ‘poetic-symbolism’ in some of his short stories, but none at all in his verse? His verse is flat, obvious and almost adolescent in nature (and I have yet to come across any critic or academic who thought it amounted to more than a hill of beans). Surely, the verse he wrote — call it Hemingway’s poetry if you wish — would be just the form in which to apply the ‘precision’ of a ‘poet-symbolist’?

As for Hemingway’s much-quoted ‘theory of omission’, even a loyalist such as Philip Young admitted there was less to it than met the eye (and certainly less than Hemingway believed). Young concedes that it amounted to little more than allowing us to ‘read between the lines’ and was a literary technique well known to writers long before Hemingway ‘discovered’ it.

There might be more substance to Young’s claim that Hemingway’s short stories should be taken and read as ‘a whole’ in order to understand what he was trying to do with the character — pretty much his alter ego — Nick Adams; but it is hard to resist the response: ‘OK, but so what?’

We might also question exactly what might be going on when both Baker and, to a lesser extent, Young and many other scholars opt to find ‘significance’ or anything of much interest in such throwaway stories included in In Our Time as Mr And Mrs Elliot and A Very Short Story.

As for the various dicta on writing that Hemingway laid own in Death In The Afternoon and Green Hills Of Africa, they are simply too vague to stand tall in any self-respecting intellectual discussion — what might (to paraphrase) ‘truer than true’ mean outside a teenage sleepover party? What keen and budding young author has not boasted (or, more modestly, told himself) that he wanted to write to convey an experience in such a way that the reader felt it had happened to her or — more likely, given Hemingway’s studiedly masculine appeal — to him?

What assured Hemingway (and convinced his academic fans that he succeeded) that they also felt the emotion he had felt by how he had written his prose? When reading, say, his description of a bullfight or going trout-fishing, we might certainly — or not — ‘feel an emotion’; but it is beyond impossible either for Hemingway to know we had felt the emotion he intended us to feel or for us to know whether what we feel (or not) was what Hemingway intended.

Pertinently, these points are not in any way arcane or recherché, just simple observations (and might even have raised a cheer from Hemingway himself who was — publicly — remorselessly and proudly anti-intellectual). So, the question is: why does academia so wilfully mine for ‘meaning’ and ‘significance’ merely because a story or a novel is ‘by Hemingway’?

. . .

I have not set out to ‘prove’ Hemingway was not a great but merely a middling writer. Such opinions, judgments, positions cannot be ‘proved’ one way or the other.

Those who will insist I am wrong, that I do not ‘understand’ the man and his work and so on might point to the huge body of academic work which has gone into analysing, interpreting and evaluating his work. These men and women are conventionally regarded as ‘the experts’ and, you might tell me, they wouldn’t waste their time on a merely middling writer.

Well, of course, they wouldn’t: they undertook and still undertake their work because they do believe Hemingway was ‘a great writer’, an outstanding ‘artist’, a leading ‘modernist’ and, no doubt that ‘he has something to tell us’.

Yet here the important point to remember — the essential point — is that such judgments, theirs as well as mine, are subjective. And, to be candid, it had occurred to me more than once when reading this and that academic account of Hemingway, his work and his ‘artistry’ that despite their reputed ‘expertise’ some academics were either talking through their hats, waffling or in grave danger of doing so.

They and their supporters might also care to reflect: why and how did one particular ‘great writer’ achieve such extraordinary public celebrity when other ‘great writers’ remained in comparative obscurity? Even for the academics that achievement must surely be something of an enigma. It is examining that ‘enigma’ which is the focus of these essays.

What we might agree on, however, is that a great deal about Hemingway — the bully loudmouth who got into fights but who was at heart said to be a generous and an essentially shy man; the reputed womaniser who quite likely didn’t sleep with more than six or seven women in his life; the hard man who made such a fetish of portraying full-blooded machismo but who identified with lesbians and enjoyed role-reversal sex games with his wives — was certainly something of an enigma.

What do we make of the man who preached stoical resilience in life but who finally — like his father, his brother and a sister — killed himself? As biographer Jeffery Meyers puts it in a piece he wrote for the Virginia Quarterly Review in autumn 1984:
In the last decades of his life, the Papa legend undermined the literary reputation and exposed the underlying fissure between the two Hemingways: the private artist and the public spectacle. When his writing slacked off and he attempted to live up to and feed on the legend, his exploits seemed increasingly empty. His shotgun blast shattered the heroic myth — and led to a different persona.
Yet there is one aspect to Hemingway which cannot be gainsaid and which even we apostates must concede. It is succinctly summed up by Matthew Bruccoli in his introduction to Hemingway And The Mechanism Of Fame:
More than any other writer Hemingway influenced what American writers were able to write about and the words they used.
That is undeniable and whether or not Hemingway was ‘a great writer’, his name does deserve to be recorded in the history books of literature.

There are thus three distinct elements to the ‘Hemingway enigma: was he ‘truly (his favourite word) a great writer? How did he achieve such global fame, whether or not he was a great or merely a middling writer? And what effect did he have on all those writing in English who came after him?

To a greater or lesser extent — my qualifications, literary, academic and personal are not as broad as they might be for such an undertaking — I shall attempt examine all three elements. Yet I must again stress, and shall be doing so throughout, that in these matters all judgments are subjective, including those of people who will profoundly disagree with my conclusions.

Reading list

HERE is a useful list of books about Hemingway, the man, his life and his work which are alluded to in these pages. I have given links, but these are certainly not exclusive and a net search will bring up others.


Ernest Hemingway: A New Life

James M Hutchisson

The Young Hemingway

Michael Reynolds

Hemingway: The 1930s

Michael Reynolds


The Paris Husband

Scott Donaldson

Hemingway

Kenneth S Lynn

Modernism, A Guide to European Literature

Edited by Malcolm Bradbury and James McFarlane

New Essays On The Sun Also Rises

Edited Linda Wagner-Martin

Ernest Hemingway

Philip Young

Hemingway And The Sun Set

Bertram D Sarason

Intellectuals

Paul Johnson

Sorting the fact from the fiction

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

 

With Hemingway there is no such thing as non-fiction; there are simply degrees of fiction, some events more fictional than others.
Michael Reynolds, Hemingway The Paris Years.

A writer’s job is to tell the truth. His standard of fidelity to the truth should be so high that his invention, out of his experience, should produce a truer account than anything factual can be. For facts can be observed badly; but when a good writer is creating something, he has time and scope to make it of an absolute truth.
Ernest Hemingway, intro to Men At War, 1942, edited 1955.

As old and easygoing friends [John Dos Passos] and [his wife] Katy did their best to keep him “kidded down to size”. In their eyes he had become a shade too conspicuously ‘the famous author, the great sports-fisherman, the mighty African hunter’. Yet they willingly played up to his special brand of princeliness.
Carlos Baker, Hemingway, A Life.

No one was more conscious than Ernest of the figure and image he possessed in the minds of the American press and reading public. He felt (I am sure) that this was an important matter to him in terms of dollars and cents in book sales or fees for articles. He deliberately set out to keep the legend and image alive in the form he wanted it.
Mario Menocal Jr, in a letter to biographer Jeffrey
Meyers
quoted in Hemingway: A Biography, 1975.

You are to remember that in Paris I have lived for many years buried under mountains of Middle-Westerners who there find it necessary to assume the aspects, voices, accents and behaviours of cow-boys crossed with liberal strains of prize-fighters and old-time Bowery toughs. They may have been born in Oak Park, that suburb of Chicago that is the mildest suburb in the world; but they are determined to make you and Paris think them devils of fellows who have only left Oklahoma of the movies ten months before.
Ford Madox Ford, quoted by Bernard J. Poli,
Ford Madox Ford And The Transatlantic Review.


OH, WHAT a piece of work was Ernest Hemingway. Everywhere you land when you scour the internet you will mainly come across adulation of the man and his work. Dissent from such adulation and suggestions that at the end of the day and in hindsight both Hemingway the writer and Hemingway the man were not quite the real deal are considerably rarer, though instances of it are increasing by the year.

Scouring the internet you will also find interpretations of his fictions, in-depth exegeses, annotations to his non-fiction, and any number of commentaries, readings, learned essays and papers, dissertations, glossaries, analyses and a great many short nostalgic memoirs and blogs. The internet used bookstore, Abebooks, lists almost 27,500 books volumes with ‘Hemingway’ in the title. 

You will also find at least one Hemingway cookbook and a Hemingway range of furniture, Hemingway spectacle frames, Hemingway spirits (US liquors), Hemingway bedding, Hemingway sauces and Hemingway skincare, though these tell us far more about the commercial world we live in and our unremitting desire to impress friends and neighbours than can say anything at all useful about the man and writer and his work.

The nostalgic memoirs and blogs are largely from men who are now — in 2020 — in their sixties, seventies and eighties and recalling the thrill of a moment in their salad days when they first came across the work of Hemingway and, pertinently, when his larger-than-life persona as an ‘action man and writer’ still commanded awe. Reading those memoirs you begin to understand what the Russian novelist Vladimir Nabokov meant when he agreed with ‘futurist’ Alvin Toffler in 1964 in an interview published in Playboy that he had indeed described Hemingway (and Joseph Conrad) as ‘writers of books for boys’. Nabokov had added:
In neither of these two writers can I find anything that I would care to have written myself. In mentality and emotion, they are hopelessly juvenile . . .
and in the Irish Times N. J. McGarrigle notes pertinently that
your attitude to Hemingway depends on how early you reach him on your reading map.
As you scour the internet, you might also come across the less laudatory, more sceptical views of those who, like me, are less impressed by Hemingway and his work, and who are, at best, bemused and often baffled by the adulation. 

We dissenters certainly acknowledge that his, in its time unusual, style had an undoubted influence on the development of literature; but with the best will in the world we cannot budge from our suspicion that at the end of the day there was less to Hemingway than met the eye and, as he grew older and more famous, considerably less. Perhaps those other sceptics would agree with me — though as far as I know I am the first to say so — that his work was, despite the Nobel Prize For Literature, the Pulitzer Prize, his global celebrity and, ironically, his literary influence on a new generation, at best ‘in the top rank of the second-rate’.

. . .

That rather cutting judgment was, in fact, made by William Somerset Maugham, and he was talking about himself, not Hemingway or anyone else. Maugham (below) was one of the few writers whose fame while he was still alive was as worldwide as Hemingway’s, yet he was as unalike Hemingway as I should think it
was possible to be. He had forged for himself a very successful career as a playwright, but after the end of World War I (then known as The Great War) he turned to writing novels and short stories when his kind of plays went out of fashion.

Like Hemingway, Maugham, a qualified physician, volunteered to drive Red Cross ambulances in World War I because, already 40 in 1914, he was considered to old to serve in the armed forces, but he served rather longer than Hemingway’s four weeks. Nor, unlike Hemingway, did he later in life make grand claims about having ‘gone to war’.

One essential difference between the two men — and there were many — was that Maugham’s output of 25 plays, 20 novels and 13 collections of short stories over a working life of 55 years was prodigious. Hemingway’s output was anything but prodigious.

Another distinct difference is that despite his shortcomings Maugham seems to have been a far more self-aware, self-critical and, above all, a far more honest man than Hemingway; and although one suspects Maugham would have loved someone to have disagreed with him when he made that modest admission about his ranking as a writer, he knew it was partly true.

Hemingway, on the other hand, was a mythomaniac of the first order. Even while still alive he was caught out time and again telling outrageous fibs about himself, his experiences and his achievements, embellishing stories about his life which grew ever more extravagant with every telling. Since his suicide in 1961 more and more of his claims have been shown to be outright rubbish, yet such was the force of his personality and such was the awe with which he was regarded, that his stories and claims were accepted without question by many while he was alive.

Many of his claims are still today accepted as ‘facts’ about Hemingway’s life — that he ran away from home at the age of 14 and lived the life of hobo, that he fought bulls and had boxed professionally, that he was a womaniser, that he was an expert on food and wine, that he was an unrivalled sportsman, that he landed on the Normandy beaches on D Day, that he ‘flew with the RAF’ (he implied that he had fought combat missions, when, in fact, he was taken up for publicity purposes and, biographer Michael Reynolds says, he accompanied a bombing mission as a correspondent), that he ‘liberated the Ritz in Paris’ — the list of claims about the ‘astonishing life of one of the world’s greatest authors’ is never ending.

It has been suggested by one biographer, Richard Bradford — who was, admittedly, oddly and distinctly hostile to Hemingway in his book The Man Who Wasn’t There — that despite an apparent initial reluctance when he was approached, Hemingway always agreed to assist those writing about him and his work. Bradford alleges that if some tall story Hemingway had concocted years before were finally discovered to be untrue, he made sure he was in a position to explain away the inconsistencies and contradictions.

Such pragmatism was also of a piece with his desire to be in charge always and call the shots, whatever the situation. Alluding to the nickname ‘Papa’ Hemingway had given himself while still in his mid-twenties and which he encouraged everyone to use, Michael Reynolds (in Homecoming, the third volume of his biography) writes that
[when the poet and Hemingway friend Archibald MacLeish] older and with two children to Hemingway’s one, was calling Ernest ‘Pappy’, a version of Hemingway’s latest, self-selected nickname ‘Papa’ [he] thought it referred to Ernest’s fatherhood, but he could not have been more wrong. To be ‘Papa’ was to have authority over whatever the game happened to be.
One suggestion in Hemingway’s defence is that many of the claims he made as a very young man — that he had affairs with both the spy Mata Hari and with the girlfriend of the gangster Jack ‘Legs’ Diamond — were simply jokes and tall stories he told to amuse his friends. That might well have been the case.

On the other hand his later claims — that he had fought on the Italian/Austrian front in World War I, for example, and had been commissioned and fought in the Italian army’s Arditi, that he had taken part in the mass execution by Spanish loyalists of more than 100 falangists in a basement, that he had grown up in poverty or as an orphan or had run away from home, that he had worked as a professional boxer when young — served merely to build up the image as a hard man he liked others to see and cast him in a better light. 

His left eye was not, for example, damaged in a street fight as he led people to believe: he was born with it and it kept him, as some biographers claim, in turn out of the US Army, the US Navy and the US Marines when he tried to enlist after the US entered World War I. Other biographers tell us he applied to the Red Cross only because he knew army, navy and marines would not have him and his dodgy eye.

That Hemingway knew exactly what he was doing when he told his tall stories might be gathered from what he once wrote (on a fragment of paper so far not identified but catalogued in the Hemingway Collection in Boston’s JFK Library). In her book In The Mystery Of The Ritz-Hotel Papers Jacqueline Tavernier-Courbin quotes him:
It’s not unnatural that the best writers are liars. A major part of the trade is to lie or invent and they will lie when they are drunk, or to themselves, or to strangers. They often lie unconsciously and then remember their lies with deep remorse. If they knew all other writers were liars too, it would cheer them up.
Put aside the conceit Hemingway betrays, counting himself unquestioningly, though typically, among ‘the best writers’, what he writes is certainly odd: was Hemingway really asserting, apparently in all seriousness, that ‘writing’ can be equated with ‘lying’? Certainly, writing involves ‘invention’ and ‘fiction’, but would Hemingway enthusiasts really be content to accept such a bargain-basement analysis of the nature and art of creating fiction as ‘lying’? Doing so would certainly betray a complete lack of understanding of what lying is and why people lie.

Modesty, humility and honesty, were never Hemingway traits, despite his pious pronouncement in 1942 in his preface to Men At War, an anthology he edited, that ‘a writer’s job is to tell the truth’. You could, of course, argue that the ‘truth’ he insisted a writer should tell was ‘artistic truth’, one which transcended the mundane details of daily life and attempted to get to the ‘essence of reality’ and ‘the human condition’.

Such an explanation is certainly plausible, although when you start dealing in such middle-brow and vague metaphysics (and many do), you are very close to slipping into talking blank nonsense (also as many do). But it happens, as I have discovered time and again when reading commentaries and interpretations of Hemingway’s work. The point to remember is that for a man who re-invented his past and told increasingly outlandish lies about his achievements it is, at best, ironic that he should encourage the world’s writers ‘to tell the truth’.

. . .

Michael Reynolds — though certainly not uncritical but, unlike me, an avowed Hemingway enthusiast — sums up well Hemingway’s relationship with the truth in Hemingway The Paris Years, the second of his five-volume biography:
With Hemingway there is no such thing as non-fiction; there are simply degrees of fiction, some events more fictional from others.
Yet Hemingway’s mythomania and related aspects of his personality proved to be invaluable when he set about building, then consolidating his career. In the introduction to Conversations With Ernest Hemingway Matthew J. Bruccoli observes that
His fame was not accidentally acquired. Hemingway’s greatest character was Ernest Hemingway. From boyhood he assiduously fictionalised himself. He was a dedicated careerist who skillfully nurtured an heroic public image until the vainglorious role took over the man and it became necessary for him to live up to it. The public Papa and the private writer were eventually undifferentiable. His impersonation of Ernest Hemingway was so successful because he was having such a good time at it.
It would certainly be regarded as heresy in academia, such is the enduring claim that Hemingway was ‘a great writer’, but time and again it strikes me that there was something of the Walter Mitty about him.

Subjectivity: is an objective judgment of a literary work possible?

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

 


[Critics] have neither wigs nor outriders. They differ in no way from other people if one sees them in the flesh. Yet these insignificant fellow creatures have only to shut themselves up in a room, dip a pen in the ink, and call themselves ‘we’, for the rest of us to believe that they are somehow exalted, inspired, infallible.
Virginia Woolf, from An Essay In Criticism,

New York Herald Tribune, Oct 9, 1927.
[Critics are] lice who crawl on literature.
Hemingway in The Green Hills Of Africa, 1935.


VIRGINIA WOOLF wrote An Essay In Criticism as part of her review for the New York Herald Tribune of Men Without Women, Hemingway’s second volume of short stories, and some commentators believe she intended to highlight a difficulty perpetually faced by literary critics. This difficulty, they suggest, is that whereas the ordinary reader has all the time in the world to reach a judgment of the worth of a new novel or a volume of short stories, the critic — pity the poor critic, they claim Woolf implies — must make up his or her mind more or less immediately and then announce that judgment to the public. This is surely a misreading of what Woolf writes, and a wilful one at that.

Certainly it can be read as intending to explain and excuse why a later, more considered, reading of a work by other critics has shown that the earlier judgments of some were completely at sea. ‘In the heat of the moment,’ a critic might protest, ‘and faced with a deadline, we can’t always be expected to get it right.’ Such an explanation is plausible, but doesn’t quite match the tone of what else Woolf has to say: mocking the critics as ‘somehow exalted, inspired, infallible’ does not speak of Woolf charitably letting them off the hook.

In fact, what Woolf writes can be easily interpreted in a very different way, one far less flattering to critics and their cousins, the college English department academics who are equally prepared to lay down the law on the worth of this or that writer. Woolf is also a little scathing of the general reader who, she implies, is only too willing to set aside his or her own judgment and instead accept that of the critics and the critics’ own estimation of themselves, their abilities and their judgments as ‘exalted, inspired and infallible’.

However one chooses to interpret what Woolf says, it would seem almost indisputable that an ‘objective’ evaluation of a literary work is impossible. I would go further and suggest that ultimately every judgment of, and opinion passed on, a work of art is subjective, that there is no convenient yardstick, no Archimedean fixed point, which would allow us to evaluate works of art objectively.

The essence of the dilemma of having no universally accepted criteria by which to judge works of ‘art’ presents itself in other areas of thought, for example in moral philosophy. Once atheists insisted, inconveniently, that an all-powerful ‘God’ did not exist and thus could not be the ‘fixed point’ by which moral standards and virtue were gauged, moral philosophers faced a real problem: so what was the imperative to ‘be good’ rather than ‘be bad’? It could be even worse: was it possible that without such an imperative ‘good’ and ‘bad’ simply did not exist?

. . .

Even if one accepts that ultimately objectivity is a chimera, it is still possible that the — albeit subjective — judgments and opinions of some in any field, including literature, might deserve to be taken more seriously than those of others. Furthermore, there can be, and often is, a consensus on the ‘worth’ of a work of art — but note: this can’t in any way mean that the critics ‘are right’ simply because a great many of them agree; it means nothing more than that there is a consensus on the worth of a work of art.

In the literary world critics, academics, publishers’ editors and writers themselves will have read a great deal, very possibly more than you or I. They might thus be regarded as having a broader literary hinterland, one which can help them evaluate the scores and flaws of different works; and because of that broader reading and experience, some might assume those critics, academics, publishers’ editors and writers are more likely to recognise the qualities of what could be thought of as ‘good writing’ sooner than would we ordinary joes.

Yet I must repeat: the fact of a ‘consensus’ of opinion and judgment can only mean that there is ‘a consensus’; and it most certainly cannot mean that a work of art universally regarded as ‘excellent’ is thus per se ‘excellent’. It is also worth noting that the critics and academics, on the one hand, can — in theory — be thought to be disinterested; when considering the judgment of publishers’ readers and editors, on the other hand, a note of caution must be sounded: publishers’ readers and editors are not necessarily or even primarily looking for ‘good literature’; they are hoping to discover work that will sell. And it was that factor which helped to launch Hemingway’s career. Because three of his novels — The Sun Also Rises, A Farewell To Arms and For Whom The Bell Tolls sold very well indeed. But were and are they ‘good literature’?

. . .

We should bear in mind that what this year or in this decade or in this era is deemed by ‘the critics’ to be ‘good literature’ might by a future generation of critics and readers be valued a great deal less: future generations might regard today’s ‘good literature’ as stilted, archaic, verbose and certainly not to ‘modern tastes’ in whatever respects that ‘modern taste’ is currently ‘modern’.

In fact that fickleness, that readiness to abandon yesterday’s generation of literary heroes and promote fresher ones will be welcomed by publishers: ‘new’ always sells — if the marketing is right. Hemingway might be a notable exception — and just why he became a notable exception is precisely what interests me — but the past is littered with ‘up-and-coming writers’ whose heyday has long passed: who today still champions Hugh Walpole, Thomas Wolfe, Norman Mailer, Jack Kerouac, Brett Easton Ellis and Martin Amis?

In fact, it is — ironically — one of life’s constants that subsequent generations delight in debunking the values of a previous generation. It’s how they can define themselves more clearly and put clear blue water between themselves and the ‘older generation’.

It was precisely that which benefited Hemingway when first he offered his short stories and subsequently his novel The Sun Also Rises for publication: whatever else his writing was, it most certainly was not boring old Henry James, John Galsworthy, George Gissing or Edith Wharton, the writers whose work the bright young things of Hemingway’s generation began to regard as stilted, archaic and verbose. As the New York Times put it when it reviewed The Sun Also Rises in October 1926, Hemingway was writing ‘a lean, hard and athletic narrative prose that puts more literary English to shame’.

. . .

Despite a possible consensus among the critics on the worth of any given novel, volume of short stories or of poetry, and even though — as Woolf observes — ordinary joes are all too eager to doff their caps and acknowledge that the judgment of the critics — assumedly better-read and more ‘educated’ in literature — should carry more weight, each of those judgments is still a subjective one; and no number of subjective judgments, however much they agree, will or can add up to an objective judgment.

There’s a further dilemma: critics regularly disagree with each other on just ‘how good’ a new novel is: how should we who doff our caps react when the judgment of one set of well-read critics and academics is wholly contradicted by the judgment of another set of equally well-read and well-informed critics or academics? Can the judgment of one set take precedence over that of the other?

More to the point, does it make sense to acknowledge that one judgment can take precedence over another? And even deciding which judgment might be ‘more valid’ than another is itself a subjective value judgment. Here’s an example: commenting on Hemingway’s post-war novel Across The River And Into The Trees, the novelist John O’Hara, in a review for the New York Times in September 1950, wrote:
The most important author living today, the outstanding author since the death of Shakespeare, has brought out a new novel. The title of the novel is Across The River and Into the Trees. The author, of course, is Ernest Hemingway, the most important, the outstanding author out of the millions of writers who have lived since 1616.
Yet commenting on the same novel in a letter to a friend, the novelist and one-time close friend of Hemingway John Dos Passos simply and unambiguously observed:
How can a man in his senses leave such bullshit on the page?
Who is ‘right’? O’Hara or Dos Passos? And given such disagreement, how are we ordinary joes, who often lazily look to ‘the critics’ for our opinions — and who earn Virginia Woolf’s scorn for doing so — expected to decide whose judgment carries more weight?

It gets worse: what if we ‘non-expert’ readers disagree with a consensus view of the critics? What weight — if any — do our dissenting judgments and opinions carry? Can the judgment of a ‘non-expert’ ever be regarded as just as credible as that of the ‘professional’, especially if it contradicts an orthodox and hitherto received view?

One is tempted to say ‘of course it can’t’: just as we defer in medical matters to qualified physicians, we are very inclined in literary matters to defer to the ‘professional’ critics. But having thus given into the temptation of agreeing that there is a hierarchy of judgment, one is still obliged to explain exactly why that ‘expert’ judgment should be given more credence. And it is pertinent at this point to repeat Virginia Woolf’s observation that
[Critics] have only to shut themselves up in a room, dip a pen in the ink, and call themselves ‘we’, for the rest of us to believe that they are somehow exalted, inspired, infallible.
So why, exactly? Why do we doff our caps?

. . .

Hemingway, whose own subjective judgment of his writing abilities was that he was extraordinarily good, most certainly did not doff his cap to the critics. Even before he found overnight success with his novel The Sun Also Rises and when he was still a hopeful, rather than an established, writer, he expressed very trenchant views on literary critics. In a letter to Sherwood Anderson in May 1925 — this was before he turned on Anderson in what biographers assume was part of a strategy to free himself of his contract with Boni & Liveright to join Scribner’s — he wrote:
God knows people who are paid to have attitudes toward things, professional critics, make me sick; camp-following eunuchs of literature. They won’t even whore. They’re all virtuous and sterile. And how well-meaning and high-minded. But they are all camp followers.
Hemingway’s contempt is ironic given that the enthusiastic reactions of most critics to his book of short stories, In Our Time, and to his ‘first’ novel, The Sun Also Rises, were the major factor in establishing him on the literary scene and launching his career. The critics also played a crucial role in helping to create the figure of ‘Hemingway the genius’. Their initial consensus was that Hemingway was ‘the real deal’.

Yet his opinion of critics did not improve over the next 36 years, and that is not surprising: after the early success of his novels The Sun Also Rises and A Farewell To Arms, and of Men Without Women, his second volume of short stories, his subsequent literary output met with ever less critical enthusiasm.

His bullfighting book Death In The Afternoon in which he educated the American reading public on bullfighting but in which he also pontificated extensively on writing, and Green Hills Of Africa, his safari book in which he also pontificated extensively on writing — came to be scrutinised more keenly and judged more harshly, and gave him more reason to dislike ‘the critics’.

It’s likely that when all is said and done more readers than not are prepared to bow to the judgment of ‘the critics’. Their obeisance might be suspect, but why complicate life: the critics are paid to ‘have opinions’ and such opinions prove useful in deciding what to read next. But some of us, having read a novel we are assured is ‘acclaimed’ by the critics, might find ourselves wondering just why it is ‘acclaimed’.

We might even be bold enough to venture the shy admission that ‘to be honest, I didn’t enjoy it all that much’, or, more cautiously, ‘it’s not really quite my kind of thing’. Yet rather than risk looking foolish by disagreeing with the accepted opinion of the great and good — the accepted opinion of Woolf’s ‘exalted, inspired and infallible’ critics — we probably keep our scepticism to ourselves and concede – at least publicly – that we don’t doubt this or that novel or poem is ‘great’ even though we ourselves don’t quite know why.

Often the public might not even have read a work it agrees, in deference to the critics, is ‘a masterpiece’; and when talk turns to some such acknowledged ‘masterpiece’ or to a writer who is seemingly universally regarded as ‘a genius’, they simply fall back on repeating the accepted view.

How many of those, for example, who talk of Cervantes ‘great novel’ Don Quixote (‘The Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote of La Mancha’), Herman Melville’s ‘masterpiece’ Moby-Dick or George Eliot’s ‘superb’ Middlemarch have actually read those works? How many of those who have read Hemingway’s The Sun Also Rises or A Farewell To Arms and liked it well enough, but privately thought ‘well, it’s really nothing special’, will continue to declare publicly that it is ‘a masterpiece’ and its author ‘a writer of genius’?

If they do so, it is because that is the orthodox and hitherto received view (and, anyway, it says so on the back cover of their paperback edition). Privately they might console themselves for their apostasy by conceding ‘maybe I’m missing something’.

. . .

A related practice, especially in the case of Hemingway, is to progress to regarding all the work he turned out as superior for no other reason than that he, ‘the great writer’ Hemingway, had written it. Matthew Brucolli observes in his book Scott And Ernest, The Authority Of Failure And The Authority Of Success that
Hemingway did not progress from strength to strength. His best work was done before he was thirty, and he produced only one major novel — For Whom the Bell Tolls — after 1929. Nonetheless, he spoke with the confidence of success. Everything he did, everything he wrote, became important because he was Ernest Hemingway.
Although Matthew Brucolli was primarily a scholar who dealt with the life and work of F. Scott Fitzgerald, he was by no means hostile to Hemingway. But like many writing about the writer decades after his suicide in July 1961, a list that includes Michael Reynolds, James R. Mellow, Kenneth Lynn and Scott Donaldson, his eye was cooler and more sceptical than that of earlier, somewhat hagiographic, biographers and memoirists (Charles Fenton, John Atkins and, most notably, A. E. Hotchner) who were all keen, for one reason or another, to fan the Hemingway flame.

In Brucolli’s introduction to Hemingway And The Mechanism Of Fame he makes his view clear that ‘Ernest Hemingway was famous for being famous’, and he continues that in his view Hemingway pursued fame as a goal in itself:
He assiduously cultivated different and sometimes divergent personae — sportsman, soldier, aesthetician, patriot, drinker, womanizer, intellectual, anti-intellectual, sage, brawler, world traveller, war correspondent, big-game hunter, and even author — each chosen to foster his place in the American cultural consciousness and support the sales of his books. In every role he projected the insider's air of authority and expertise that was presumed credible, even when not wholly deserved. His success in these self-legendising efforts to couple non-literary celebrity with literary stature is evident in his continued fame among those familiar and unfamiliar with his books. 
. . .

A consequence of the assumption that ‘this is by Hemingway, so it must be good’ was that over the years everything he wrote has been analysed and interpreted. Hemingway kept pretty much every scrap of paper he wrote on, and in addition to the manuscripts of his novels and published short stories, each sketch, every discarded half-written short story and all those scraps of paper he was loth to throw away are now in the Hemingway Collection of Boston’s John F Kennedy Library And Museum.

That in itself, by the same self-validating process outlined above, will be accepted by some as tacit ‘proof’ that ‘Hemingway was a great writer’: they wouldn’t keep all that crap (the argument will run) if he wasn’t great.

Given Hemingway’s status as a ‘great writer’ — a status awarded to him by the critics before he was 30 and which he assiduously maintained even when the same critics increasingly went cool on him within a few years with the publication of Death In The Afternoon — academics went, and still go, into analytic overdrive to find ‘meaning’ and ‘significance’ in everything her wrote.

Even where quite possibly none existed, they summon up that useful standby ‘the subconscious’, and suggest that although this or that allusion was not ‘consciously’ intended and Hemingway might even not have realised the resonance of this or that phrase, paragraph or scene, nevertheless . . . This line of argument is especially effective in that it is almost impossible to disprove; but it is a claim that is difficult to square with just how a writer can praised for his artistry and skill if he was, in part, unaware of what he was doing.

The suspicion of subjectivity also taints the conclusions made about ‘meaning’ and ‘significance’. At best we can only make assumptions when analysing Hemingway’s fiction (or, for that matter that of any other writer) for meaning and significance. Yet the received views of what this or that story ‘means’ gain ever greater heft as they are repeated and adopted by new generations. As Kelli A. Larson points out in Lies, Damned Lies, and Hemingway Criticism
Since scholars write about what they know well, such familiarity . . . leads to increased critical attention as scholars share their ideas with others via publication. Thus the cycle of critical debate begins anew with the opening of each semester and attests most clearly to Hemingway’s ‘re-readability’ down through the years.
A consequence of this cycle of critical debate is that the same interpretations are repeated over and over again until, almost unobtrusively, they are regarded as ‘fact’. A good example is the orthodox view — it now has that status of doctrine — that in his novel The Sun Also Rises Hemingway was portraying — indeed intended to portray — the despair of a ‘lost generation’.

Not only was that news to Hemingway who repeatedly denied he had intended to do so, but oddly and tellingly it was not at all apparent to any of those critics who reviewed the novel, almost all enthusiastically, when it was published. In The Immediate Critical Reception Of Ernest Hemingway, Frank L Ryan observes
No single factor was as illustrative of the failure of The Sun Also Rises to convince the critics that Hemingway was a great writer than its failure to convince them that it was the record of a generation and that its author was the spokesman for that generation. A year and a half after its publication, Richard Barrett spoke of the impressions which the novel was having on the younger people about him, of the young men and women who spoke so reverently of it, marked passages in it, and kept it by their beds, apparently for solace in the dark hours. But one searches in vain for this response from the reviewers who did not hear in it the mournful sounds of a lost generation.
This immediately begs the question: if the despair of a ‘lost generation’ was, as we are now assured, a major theme of Hemingway’s novel, why did none of the its contemporary reviewers pick up on it?

Many might, and probably will, disagree with the contention that both literary judgment and ‘meaning and interpretation’ are wholly subjective — because they can’t be anything but — and that there can be neither an objective judgment nor objective findings of ‘meaning and interpretation’. That notwithstanding, in the early days when reviewing In Our Time, The Sun Also Rises, Men Without Women and A Farewell To Arms the critics all declared Hemingway to be a great writer, and their very unanimity lent their declaration its seeming objectivity.

That the gilt already began to flake off Hemingway’s literary reputation just six year later with the publication of Death In The Afternoon in 1932, and carried on flaking off a year later with the publication of his third short story collection Winner Take All in 1933, and, in 1935, Green Hills Of Africa, his account of a safari in East Africa, was by then oddly irrelevant. That he was ‘a great writer’ was becoming an objective fact.

By the early 1930s, and unusually for a writer, Hemingway was achieving a parallel national prominence — he was becoming a celebrity like the nation’s singers, film stars and sportsmen — and in the following 30 years, as John Raeburn, of the University of Iowa details in his book Fame Became Him, Hemingway As Public Writer the more his credibility diminished in literary circles, the more his fame grew. Hemingway and his lifestyle and his hunting and fishing exploits became good copy for middlebrow photo-magazines such as Time, Life, Colliers and Esquire, publications whose readers thus came to know Hemingway as ‘a great writer’, though ironically many had not and did not read a single word of his fiction.

. . .

Woolf’s ‘exalted, inspired, infallible’ critics cannot be blamed, of course. Myriad other factors contributed to Hemingway’s rise and rise in the public eye and to the conviction of many that he was ‘America’s greatest writer’.

Yet that rise began with their insistence in the mid-1920s that Hemingway was the exciting new voice of American letters. That not many years later they began to have their doubts, and said so, was irrelevant. Generation after generation for whom notions of ‘subjectivity’ and ‘objectivity’ were academic and irrelevant had by then already been persuaded of Hemingway’s greatness. Pity Woolf’s poor critics who
have neither wigs nor outriders. They differ in no way from other people if one sees them in the flesh. Yet these insignificant fellow creatures have only to shut themselves up in a room, dip a pen in the ink, and call themselves ‘we’, for the rest of us to believe that they are somehow exalted, inspired, infallible.




1921-1929 — Paris years, early success, first divorce and second marriage - Part V

EACH of these essays/entries is intended to stand alone, so there is a certain degree of duplication in them as it is unlikely they will be read in sequence or even that all will be read by a visitor to these pages. This is intentional: someone reading an essay/entry must not be puzzled by some allusion she or he might not understand because they have not read the other essays/entries.

 


‘All April [1927] he stayed away from Montparnasse where sidewalk cafes were crowded noon and midnight with American tourists, some looking for a glimpse of characters out of [The Sun Also Rises], others behaving as if they were auditioning for the parts.’
Michael Reynolds, Hemingway: The Homecoming

‘Now, in the warm streets of summer, Paris was less lovely for Ernest than she had ever been in winter rain. Five years earlier, he and Hadley, unknown and in love, delighted in discovering the city . . . When the franc was at twelve to the dollar, they were tourists; as it rose to eighteen, they became old hands in the neighbourhood, recognised at the Dôme by painters and writers. Now [in 1927] with the franc at twenty-five, Hadley was in California and he, having become legendary along Montparnasse, took no joy on the boulevard.
Michael Reynolds, Hemingway: The Homecoming.

‘That afternoon [June 7, 1927] he enclosed a check for 700 francs in his last letter to the landlord of 113 Notre Dames-des-Champs. “Because I am leaving Paris,” he said, “I shall not keep the apartment any longer. You may rent it immediately if you wish.” In part of his heart, he had already left Paris; his actual departure was only a matter of time.
Michael Reynolds, Hemingway: The Homecoming.

SINCE returning from Gastaad in March 1927, Pauline Pfeiffer, her sister, Jinny and Archie MacLeish’s wife, Ada, had between them found and started organising an apartment for Pauline and her husband-to-be. Although the new Paris apartment at 6 rue Ferou was bigger, smarter and quieter than the down-at-heel walk-up with a communal lavatory on the landing Hemingway and Hadley had lived in in rue Notre Dames des Champs, it was barely more expensive.

By now, of course, Hemingway’s life had moved on and he no longer saw himself as the dedicated writer prepared to starve for his art in a garret: now he was the established and published author, a serious man of letters. Yet although he was no longer ‘starving’ — and, in truth, he was never close to ‘starving’ despite his romantic claims later in life, notably in his memoirs A Moveable Feast — he still wasn’t earning his living from his writing as he had set out to do when, five years earlier, he arrived in Paris. More to the point, he was still obliged to live off a wife’s income, and that irked him.

Despite in many ways being different — for example, Hadley was tall and matronly whereas Pfeiffer was short and petite — they had much in common and both benefited from a generous trust fund income. Pfeiffer’s fund paid her $3,600 a year (about $53,779 in 2020), and given the still advantageous exchange rate — you got FF25 to the dollar in 1927 — Pfeiffer had an annual income of FF90,000. It was more than enough to sustain her and Hemingway — for example the annual rent on their new apartment was just FF9,000. Furthermore, when Pfeiffer and Hemingway married on May 10, her extended family showered the couple with gifts of cash — cheques for $1,000 ($15,000 in 2020) were not unusual — and according to biographer Michael Reynolds the couple would have been able to live off the money for a year. Then there was the largesse of Pfeiffer’s very wealthy uncle Gus Pfeiffer.

Uncle Gus had no children of his own and doted on his nieces Pauline and Jinny, and was extraordinarily generous to them. So when Hemingway and Pfeiffer took on the apartment in rue Froidevaux, Uncle Gus paid the many bills involved in sub-leasing it — three month’s rent in advance and the equivalent of a year’s

Ever-generous Uncle Gus

rent to the leaseholder, three month’s back taxes owed by the leaseholder and deposits for various utility services.

A year later Uncle Gus arranged for a new Ford A Coupe to be on the quayside to greet the couple when they arrived in Key West via Cuba on their way to Piggott, Arkansas, Pfeiffer’s home town (though in the event delivery of the automobile from the mainland was delayed). When Hemingway and Pfeiffer eventually decided to settle in Key West, Uncle Gus paid for the purchase, renovation and decoration of the splendid, but rundown, house they had eventually chosen as their new home; and when in the early 1930s Hemingway announced he wanted to go on safari to East Africa, ever-generous Uncle Gus gave Ernest and Pauline $25,000 ($501,000 in 2020) worth of stock to sell to pay for the two month-long trip.

As for Hemingway’s ambition to become a professional writer earning his living from his pen it would be quite a few years before he realised it. On the back of the success of The Sun Also Rises, Hemingway’s short stories were now being accepted by various magazine, but none was attracting anywhere near the fabulous sums his friend Scott Fitzgerald had been paid for his short fiction. Nor did Hemingway benefit from the success of his novel: in his zeal to rid himself of Hadley and marry Pauline Pfeiffer, he had impulsively signed over to her all royalties, current and future, from the sales of The Sun Also Rises (and it was a decision he later bitterly complained about).

Within two days of the divorce coming through in mid-April, Hadley and her young son had sailed for New York, and — she told Hemingway —$5,000 ($74,794 in 2020) in royalty payments were waiting in her bank account: so much for Hemingway earning his living from his writing. As one of his better short stories, The Snows Of Kilimanjaro, in which a dying writer reproaches himself for living off his wife’s income, made clear, it rankled a great deal.

. . .

With his second marriage, the Paris years, which saw Hemingway establish himself and, arguably, when he produced his better work, were drawing to a close. He was no longer enjoying and living in the city as once he had. When he and Hadley arrived in December 1921, the young couple had toured Paris looking at the sights, but since the publication and success of his novel The Sun Also Rises, Hemingway was now himself ‘one of the sights’. Americans flocked to Paris — the cheap franc made it very affordable for most — and haunted ‘the Latin Quarter’ bars and cafes hoping to catch a glimpse of the writer himself. In Hemingway: The Homecoming, biographer Michael Reynolds spells out that
Between those newly resident intellectuals and the burgeoning tourists, the Left Bank was losing its charm [for Hemingway]. Evenings in the cafe with the light beginning to fail and saucers piling up, those evenings were becoming impossible . . . Wherever he looked pretentiousness abounded. The latest guidebook to Paris ‘with the lid lifted’ assured its readers that at Deux Magots one could hear ‘more dirty stories and advice as to where to buy “adorable dresses” all in English than anywhere else in Paris’. The Select, one read, was filled with ‘gentlemen with long, wavy hair and long painted fingernails and other gentlemen who, when they walk, walk “Falsetto”, toss their hips and lift their brows”.
By 1927 ‘the city of light’ was for Hemingway just not what it had been, though ironically he and his successful novel were two of the causes. He was nominally a resident of Paris for another three and a half years, but between May 10, 1927, when he and Pauline Pfeiffer were married, first in a civil ceremony in the town hall of Montrouge, then in a Roman Catholic ceremony in St Honoré d’Eylau, until the couple and their young son, Patrick, finally settled in Key West, Florida in late December 1931 — he spent in all less than eight months in the city.

. . .

After an almost month-long on honeymoon in the South of France (where the perpetually accident-prone Hemingway cut his foot and was infected with anthrax and where he continued work on his second collection of short stories), he and Pfeiffer returned home to Paris; but just three weeks later, they were off again, this time to Pamplona for the annual trip to the San Fermin festival, followed by another leisurely trawl through Spain. They finally began married life at their new rue Ferou apartment at the beginning of September, and within days Hemingway (who now had his own room in which to work) began a new novel.

Hemingway knew that he needed to publish a new novel to consolidate his career and status as a coming writer lauded by all the critics and — in Malcolm Cowley’s later judgment — ‘a master at 26’. That second novel, which at first he called A New Slain Knight, was intended to chronicle life on the road for a ‘professional revolutionist’ and his 14-year old son, and the lad’s education by his father in the ways of the world. Work went very well to begin with, and a week after Hemingway’s new short story collection Men Without Women was published on October 14, he was telling friends that he had already written 30,000 words.

Hemingway’s preferred method of composition was to write without a plan, not knowing where his work would take him. Michael Reynolds suggests that Hemingway believed this would keep a story vibrant and fresh. It was how he had written The Sun Also Rises (which began life as a short story) and it had worked then; but this time his method did not pay off. Although he conscientiously carried on working on the novel every morning throughout the autumn of 1927, he slowly dried up. He tried to correct what might be wrong by switching from a first-person narrative to a third-person narrative. At one point he changed the name of the ‘professional revolutionist’, but nothing did the trick. In November he and Pfeiffer spent ten days in Berlin, and once back in Paris he re-read what he had so far written and — as he told one correspondent — the novel was ‘all right part of the time’ and that at other times it was ‘horse manure’.

In mid-December Hemingway, Pauline, Jinny and his son Bumby travelled to Gstaad for a two-month Christmas and New Year break, and work on the novel was interrupted when he developed ‘flu, piles and toothache. Then Bumby accidentally cut the pupil of Hemingway’s — good — right eye with his little finger, rendering him comparatively sightless for a few days. Back in Paris by mid-February, the writing was still no easier and Hemingway finally gave up on the novel in mid-March. (His manuscript is now in the Hemingway section of the JFK Library in Boston with his other ‘manuscripts, typescripts, drafts, notes, and galleys for Hemingway's published and unpublished writings’.)

Michael Reynolds suggests that it wasn’t just Hemingway’s aimless method of composition that was causing him problems: after the Men Without Women collection was published four months in October, his self-confidence was shaken by a few of the reviews it had received. Ironically, many had praised the work — The New Yorker recorded that the collection was
. . . a truly magnificent work . . . [the reviewer did] not know where a greater collection of stories can be found . . . Hemingway has an unerring sense of selection . . . His is, as any reader knows, a dangerous influence. The simple thing he does looks so easy to do. But look at the boys who try to do it.’
But Hemingway paid attention only to those reviewers who were less impressed with his collection: in a letter to Scott Fitzgerald he complained that
. . . these goddam reviews are sent to me by my ‘friends’, any review saying the stuff is a pile of shit I get at least 2,000 copies of.
He had previously been irritated by suggestions that The Sun Also Rises was — in the words of Douglas Ogden Stewart on whom the character of Bill Gorton was based — not a novel, but a ‘skilfully produced travelogue’, so Percy Hutchisson’s New York Times review of Men Without Women will have hurt, despite the praise. Hutchisson commented:
Hemingway’s is the art of the reporter carried to the highest degree . . . His facts may be from experience, and they may be compounded solely of imagination; but he so presents them that they stand out with all the clearness and sharpness (and also the coldness) of pinnacles of ice in clear, frosty air. To sum up in a figure, Hemingway’s is a stark naked style.
In The Saturday Review Lee Wilson Dodd handed out brickbats as well as bouquets. He admitted that
. . . the present critic . . . is amazed and genuinely admires the lean virtuosity of Mr Hemingway
but added
the second most astonishing thing about him is the narrowness of his selective range.
Dodd concluded that
In the callous little world of Mr Hemingway I feel cribbed, cabined, confined; I lack air — just as I do in the cruel world of Guy de Maupassant — just as I do, though not so desperately, so gaspingly, in the placid stuffy little world of Jane Austen. But there is room to breathe in Shakespeare, in Tolstoy. And — yes — it makes all the difference.
Virginia Woolf was also less than impressed. She conceded that
Mr Hemingway, then, is courageous; he is candid; he is highly skilled; he plants words precisely where he wishes
but she added that
he is modern in manner but not in vision; he is self-consciously virile; his talent has contracted rather than expanded; compared with his novel, his stories are a little dry and sterile.’
Wyndham Lewis was also ambivalent about Hemingway’s new collection. Although he described Hemingway in his review of Men Without Women (which he had himself forwarded to Hemingway in Gstaad) as
. . . easily the ablest of the wild band of Americans in Europe
he added, rather tactlessly given Hemingway’s growing rather high opinion of his talent, that he
 . . . is obviously capable of a great deal of development before his work reaches maturity.
Hemingway had a thin skin and it was not quite what he wanted: in essence Lewis was telling readers that ‘Hemingway could do better and has some way to go yet’. None of this was what Hemingway wanted to read. Reynolds records
Hemingway wrote Fitzgerald that he had seen the reviews of Burton Rascoe and [Virginia] Woolf and a couple of others . . . ‘Am thinking of quitting publishing any stuff for the next 10 to 15 years.’ The reviews, he said, were ruining his writing.
Quite apart from those less than enthusiastic reviews of his second collection of short stories and that his inspiration was declining as he wrote his new novel, Hemingway’s mood had surely not been improved when the week before he finally abandoned his novel in mid-March, he suffered another accident. At around 2am one morning — and, biographer Kenneth Lynn suggests, probably drunk (Pfeiffer was
already concerned about his level of drinking) — he mistook the skylight chain for the lavatory cistern chain, gave it one strong yank and brought it all down on his head.

It cut his forehead badly and the wound needed six stitches, and the accident left him with a prominent scar (left) on the left side of his forehead

By chance, Bill Horne, his old buddy from the Red Cross days in Italy, had written to Hemingway out of the blue the previous November, and Horne’s letter possibly revived memories of Italy. Hemingway might have known little about revolutions, but his, albeit rather short, time serving in the Red Cross in northern Italy meant he had seen war and knew a little about life on the front.

Reynolds suggests that being contacted by Horne as well as being ‘wounded’ by the falling skylight were catalysts that prompted Hemingway to abandon A New Slain Knight and instead start writing A Farewell To Arms to offer as his ‘second novel’, though it, too, began life as a short story and then evolved.

The novel’s protagonist, Frederic Henry, was — like Hemingway — an American serving as an ambulance driver with the Italian army, and Catherine Barkley, the novel’s rather two-dimensional second protagonist, was — like Agnes von Kurowsky, the woman who broke the young Hemingway’s heart — a Red Cross nurse. The other notable details of the novel, Italy’s ignominious retreat after the Battle of Caporetto, Hemingway had garnered from war histories and maps — the battle and retreat had taken place seven to eight months before Hemingway first set foot in Europe.

. . .

At some point during the family winter holiday in Gstaad, Pfeiffer realised she was expecting her first child, and preparations for giving birth, due at the end of June, governed all the Hemingways’ plans. Like Hadley, Pfeiffer wanted her baby to be born in America (although Hadley gave birth to their son in Canada because Hemingway had started a staff job on the Star in Toronto).

Accordingly, the Hemingways left France for the US via Havana in mid-March, a week after Hemingway had abandoned work on his novel. They decided to visit Key West on the recommendation of Hemingway’s friend, the novelist John Dos Passos (who had been much taken with the island) and then travel north to Pfeiffer’s family home in Piggott, Arkansas. They sailed from Le Havre for Havana and then caught a ferry to Key West, 90 miles north of Cuba.

For the public, the name ‘Hemingway’ is still inextricably linked with Key West (and later Cuba), but that he made the island his home for the next ten years was happenstance. When they arrived and discovered the Ford Uncle Gus had bought them had been delayed on the mainland, Hemingway and Pfeiffer were forced to wait in Key West and rented a small apartment while they waited. Over the following weeks they explored the small island and met and became friends with one of Key West’s wealthiest couples, Charles and Lorine Thompson.

Hemingway had already tried his hand at fishing from the quayside — he spent every morning writing what was to become A Farewell To Arms and every afternoon fishing — but Charles, whose family owned many of island’s businesses, introduced Hemingway to deep-sea fishing. The two couples go on well, and

Hemingway proudly shows off one
of the many marlin he killed

Pauline later admitted that she would not have agreed to settle in Key West as Hemingway was suggesting (because of his new enthusiasm for deep-sea fishing) had it not been for the prospect of Lorine’s company.

What with the writing going well and the deep-sea fishing, Hemingway was in no rush to leave Key West even though Pfeiffer was getting ever closer to term, and finally, her father, Paul Pfeiffer, arrived to speed up matters. Pfeiffer left Key West for Piggott by train and Hemingway drove there in the company of his father-in-law (in those days it was a three-day journey often travelling on dirt roads).

From Piggott Hemingway and Pfeiffer carried on to a hospital in Kanas City for the birth of their first child, Patrick, who was delivered by caesarean section at the end of June. Pfeiffer spent several weeks recuperating in Kansas City before Hemingway took her and the baby back to Piggott, then returned to Kansas City to meet up with Bill Horne to go hunting in to Wyoming. Within weeks, they were joined by Pfeiffer, who had left her two-month-old baby son in the care of her sister Jinny. She later confessed she ‘had never had a maternal instinct’ and was uninterested in children until they were at least six years old.

By the end of September, Hemingway and Pfeiffer were back in Piggott, but were soon on the road again. Hemingway first made a rare visit to see his family in Oak Park and before moving a few miles east to Chicago to drink and reminisce with friends. There he was joined by Pfeiffer, and they carried to Massachusetts and New York to see friends, a trip which included a memorable reunion with Scott Fitzgerald and his wife Zelda when Fitzgerald yet again got hopelessly drunk and yet again disgraced himself.

. . .

One of the most significant events of Hemingway’s life, perhaps as significant as his near-death experience in July 1918 at the front near the Piave river, was the suicide of his father Clarence Hemingway. As a boy Hemingway had enjoyed his father’s company and the times they spent together, hunting and fishing near the family summer cottage at Walloon Lake, Michigan, but when Hemingway was barely in his teens, Clarence, a family physician known as Ed, increasingly withdrew into himself and away from the family. He had long suffered from depression, but more recently he had also developed diabetes, suffered from angina attacks and was worried about some investments he had made in real estate in Florida. Just before lunch on December 6, 1928, he had returned home from the hospital where he had been working that morning, gone upstairs to his bedroom, put an antique pistol to his head just behind his right ear and ended his life.

Hemingway was told of the death — although not yet how his father had died — by telegram on a train back to Key West from New York where he had picked up his son Bumby. He put his son in the care of the train’s conductor and changed trains at Philadelphia for Chicago, and it was only when he was collected from Chicago Union Station that he was told that Ed had killed himself.

For the rest of his life Hemingway uncharitably regarded Ed’s suicide as an unforgivable weakness; but more than that believed his mother Grace had driven Ed to the act, and until he himself died he told everyone that he hated her. Yet one of the many oddities about Hemingway is that despite his antagonism to her, as he sorted out his father’s affairs in the months following Ed’s death, not only did he treat her generously but a year or two later he established a trust fund for his mother’s benefit that doubled her monthly income, and he supported her financially until she died just under 23 years later.

. . .

Hemingway and Pfeiffer had intended to return to Paris in November 1928, but at some point during their Wyoming fishing and hunting trip they decided instead to spend the winter months in Key West. Their new friend there, Lorine Thompson, found them a house to rent short-term — one big enough to accommodate not just Hemingway and Pfeiffer, but their new son, Patrick, Pfeiffer’s sister Jinny, who

Pauline Pfeiffers sister
Virginia, known as Jinny

would help look after the baby, and Hemingway’s sister Madelaine, known as Sunny, who had agreed to type up the manuscript for A Farewell To Arms that Hemingway had just finished. Then Hadley had got in touch to ask whether her and Hemingway’s son Bumby might also come to Key West — he had an incessant cough, she explained, and the Paris weather was doing him no good at all. It was while he was returning from New Y0rk collecting Bumby that Hemingway was told of his father’s death.

The household had settled in the weeks before Christmas, and Pfeiffer and Sunny typed up what was to become A Farewell To Arms, completing the task towards the end of January, 1929. With work on his second novel out of the way, Hemingway entertained friends in Key West for the next few months, including his editor at Scribner’s, Maxwell Perkins. Hemingway was keen to introduce everyone to his new enthusiasm for deep-sea fishing and even the otherwise rather staid Perkins was roped in, encouraged by Hemingway’s light-hearted threat that unless he collected the new manuscript in person, he wouldn’t get it.

Whether Perkins did collect it or whether Hemingway later delivered the manuscript to Scribner’s in New York in person is unclear: on this and several other points the various biographers’ accounts differ. For example, some tell us the Ford Model A Uncle Gus bought for Hemingway and Pfeiffer was delayed on Miami, others claim it was waiting for them on the quayside when they disembarked as promised. Ironically, the variance of their separate accounts is of a piece with contradictions in the stories Hemingway told about himself: in all seriousness he had claimed he had an affair with the Dutch spy Mata Hari. In fact Hari, or Margaretha Geertruida Zelle as she was christened, was executed for spying seven months before Hemingway set foot in Europe.

Hemingway’s new novel was due for September publication but he had also agreed for it to be serialised in Scribner’s Magazine, and the first instalment appeared in May (with, to Hemingway’s great annoyance, words and phrase deemed by the magazine to be offensive and unacceptable edited out). By then Hemingway, Pfeiffer and Patrick were back in Paris, although with a view to possibly returning they left some belongings in Key West. They had finally set sail for Europe from Cuba at the beginning of April (with a second new Ford given them by the ever-generous Uncle Gus stowed away in the ship’s hold, according to Michael Reynolds).